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UGUST 1908
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EDITOR AND PROPRIETO
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New Books by Mr. Watson
Life and Speeches of
Thos. E. Watson, (delivered)
$1.50
The Biographical Sketch was written by Mr. Watson, and
the Speeches selected by him. These include Literary, Labor-
Day, Economic and Political addresses.
Handbook of Politics
and Economics,
$1.00
Contains platforms and history of political parties in the
United States, with separate chapters on important legislation,
great public questions, and a mass of valuable statistical infor-
mation on social and economic matters. Illuitrated by original
cartoons by Gordon Nye.
Sketches of Roman
History,
.50
The Gracchi, Marius, Sylla, Spartacus, Jugurtha, Julius
Caesar, Octavius, Anthony and Cleopatra. Pictures the struggle
of the Roman people against the class legislation and privilege
which led to the downfall of Rome.
WATSON'S
Jeffersonian Magazine
Vol. II AUGUST, 1908 No. 8
CONTENTS
FRONTISPIECE 432
EDITORIALS 433
Mr. Brjan's Shameful Treatment of the South — Uncle Remus is Dead — The Old Packet
Boat by the James.
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD Tom Dolan 448
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 457
THE OPIUM FIEND— A Poem' Bishop Nettles Alsbrook 471
WHEN THE MILL SHUTS DOWN 472
TO A WILD FLOWER— A Poem Ada A. Mosher 473
HOW BRYAN SCOOPED THE INDEPENDENT .... Thos. H. Tibbies 474
MY MISSION— A Poem Luella Knott 480
ZORA FAIR— A Short Story Francis Maria Scott 481
DR. BEN REITMAN, THE TRAMP REFORMER .... Arnold M. Anderson 488
WHEN WE HAVE SAID GOOD-BYE— A Poem Grace Kirkland 495
SAY OF OTHER EDITORS 496
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE 500
BOOK REVIEWS 502
AT NIGHT— A Poem Mary Chapin Smith 506
Published Monthly by
THOS. E. WATSON
$1.50 Per Year Temple Court Building, Atlanta, Ga. 15 Cents Per Copy
Entertd as second class matter Decembir 21, IQOd, at the Past Office at Atlanta, Ga.
r
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QUOTH THE RAVEN: "EVERMORE!"
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Watson's Jeffersonian Magazine
Vol. II AUGUST, 1908 No. 8
Editorials
MR. BRYAN'S SHAMEFUL TREATMENT
OF THE SOUTH
Necessary to Bryan's election, are 242 electoral votes.
Of these, the solid South, which, according to the insolent politi-
cians of other sections, MUST vote the Democratic ticket, even though
there is a dead dog on it, is confidently expected to furnish 156 votes.
In other words, Bryan went into the race, counting with serene
faith upon getting from the Southern States nearly two-thirds of the
votes he needed.
In the unruffled serenity of this serene faith of his, Bryan has
treated the South just as if she were not only compelled to vote the
ticket, even though a dead dog were on it, but has, herself, no greater
inclination or chance to resent insults and injustice than the average dead
dog possesses.
Not only has he contemptuously disregarded her feelings by coming
to terms with the negro leaders, on the Brownsville affair, but he has
denied her the poor honor of second place on the ticket.
The South must give the Peerless One nearly two-thirds of his
requisite strength; the South is indispensable to the Peerless One's suc-
cess; from the realm of the Lone Star to the headlands of the Old North
State and the blue summits of the Virginias, there isn't a single one of
the Rebel-Yell states that the Illinois-Nebraska nominee can afford to
lose.
But what does Bryan give for these votes? What does the South
get for these precious assets? Nothing, nothing, NOTHING, — unless
you reckon as a favor the slap in the face which the South got when
Bryan went over to Foraker on the Brownsville matter.
Have we, in the South, no man fit. to run with Bryan? Are we
so poor in talent and character that we can furnish no Democrat worthy
to wear the mere compliment of a vice-presidential nomination on the
Bryan ticket? Is poor little old Kern, of Injyaner, head and shoulders
above all the bis: men of Dixie?
434
WATSON'S TEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
AT THE DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION OF 1908
"The frenzied IJryanites attacked the Georgia delegation, in frantic efforts to seize its
little banner of independence, while the Bryanite band played, with insulting iteration,
' ^Marching Through Georgia.' "
EDITORIALS 435
Even the Wall Street gang, wiiich bought Parker's nomination in
1904, gave the South the second place on the ticket. But now that
Bryan is despot of the Deniccratic councils, the South is treated like a
yellow cur.
Where was Folk of AHssouri; Glenn of North Carolina; Broward
of Florida ; Bacon of Georgia ; Comer of Alabama ; Culberson of Texas ?
Were none of these good enough for second place on the ticket? Why
wouldn't Chief Justice Walter Clark, of North Carolina, have been the
ideal selection ? What happier choice could have been made than that
of the blind Senator of Oklahoma?
Kern of Indiana!
Who is Kern, anyway?
Where did they dig him up ?
Bryan and Clark, Bryan and Broward, Bryan and Glenn, — any of
these would sound sensible, possible, comforting and sober. But Bryan
and Kern reek of the ludicrous, and of Tom Taggart ; and we cannot
but muse dreamily on French Lick Springs, poker chips, highballs and
cocktails, and a political pull based upon the foulest combination of the
white tough and the negro camp-follower, — for that's how Tom Taggart
keeps on top in Indiana.
To get the benefit of the putrid combination between Taggart and
the negroes, the Peerless One passed over every statesman and scholar
of the South, and chose the choice of the gambling-hell man, Tom Tag-
gart.
In his belief that the South cannot help herself, the Democratic
candidate has put her to open shame — has trampled upon her race-pride,
and denied her political rights.
No wonder the convention, imbued with the spirit of its master,
jeered the Georgia delegation, tried to snatch away its flag, and insult-
ingly kept it reminded of the Sherman horrors by continuous playing
of "Marching through Georgia."
All right, Mr. Bryan ! You may know my people better than I
do. You have seen them swallow many a bitter dose, labelled "Dem-
ocracy." You are only too well acquainted with the weakness of South-
ern leadership. You have seen the party lash drive the Southern people
into humiliating and degrading submission, — many and many a time.
But, by the splendor of God ! I believe you've overdone it this time.
I believe you've counted too strongly upon your "dead dog" theory,
this time.
From the manner in which she has been treated by you, the South
will at length receive that electric shock which has been needed to arouse
her to a sense of her political decadence and degradation.
The South is going to resent your insolence and your injustice,
Mr. Bryan.
The South is going to show you that when the Democratic party
presents to her a nominee who seeks to win the negro vote by condemn-
ing President Roosevelt in that Brownsville case; when the Democratic
nominee shows so little appreciation of the electoral vote of the South
that she is not given the second place on the ticket ; when the Democratic
436 WATSOX'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZIXE
candidate practically says, "the South can't help herself, — I'll treat her
just as I please" ; / do believe that the clock strikes the hour for Southern
Independence.
The Jeffersonian means to have it out with you, j\Ir. Bryan. You
engulfed the magnificent reform movement of 1896 in the boundless
selfishness of your personal ambition. You enriched yourself by commer-
cializing the political assets which you had raided.
For eight years you posed as a Populist, and you thus made it im-
possible for Populism to do business.
In 1904, you trailed your banner in the mire, and took service with
the Pretorian Band which upholds Wall Street's throne. Ever since 1904,
you have tacked and veered, backed and filled, doing your level best to
soften the antagonism of capital without losing the esteem of labor, —
to enter the Paradise of Privilege without bidding farewell to the rough
world of Radicalism.
Since your advent in 1896, when as a Bland delegate you cunningly
opened the way to a Bryan nomination, you have boxed the compass of
political variation. Between the platform of 1896, and that upon which
you now stand, stretches a dreary desert, so far as benefit to the people
are concerned, — and a Canaan flowing with milk and honey, so far as
your personal interests are involved.
Yes, you've grown rich and strong, talking just enough Populism
to keep Populists in the ranks where your treacherous fusion movement
of 1896 landed them.
And noiv you place yourself on a platform and a plan of campaign
whose meaning is that Wall Street has nothing to fear from your elec-
tion, that even the damnable Aldrich-Vreeland bill may remain on the
statute book, that the negroes must regard you as their champion, against
such Republicans as Roosevelt and Taft, and that you can afford to take
the Foraker position which Taft cannot take, and that you can afford
to say to the negroes what Taft refuses to say. YOU CAN DO IT,
BECAUSE THE SOUTH IS HELPLESS, AND CANNOT RE-
SENT IT.
You can condemn Roosevelt for siding with the South, and thus zvin
the negro vote, for the reason that you are the fortunate beneficiary of
the situation which COMPELS the South to vote the Democratic ticket.
But are you dead sure that the South is helpless, Mr. Bryan?
God ! Suppose that the splendid section which you took to be polit-
ically dead should be neither dead nor sleeping, but should spring up,
roused bv your kicks, AND WITH THE LIGHT OF BATTLE IN
HER EYES!
EDITORIALS 437
UNCLE REMUS IS DEAD
From The Weekly Jeffersonlan, July 9th.
And so the pale messenger that never tires, and never pities — the
messenger that called Sappho away from her songs and Letitia Lan-
don aw^ay from her grief; the messenger who led Byron to where he
could sleep, and Keats to where no Gifford could stab him again with
merciless criticism ; the messenger who piloted Poe to "the misty
dim regions of Weir," and to desolate Burns brought the sealed orders
under which he sailed into the Unknown Seas — has knocked upon
the door of Uncle Remus, has reached upon her inexorable roll-call
the name of Joel Chandler Harris, has come to guide into that radiant
Hereafter — of which Hope is the creator and Faith the defender — a
spirit which will need no purification to fit it for the companionship
of the good.
;!; ^; * * :ic ;(; * H: * *
It was long, long ago. I was a penniless teacher, and every
evening after school was dismissed I would trudge back to where I
boarded — along the path which snaked its way through the wire-
grass, underneath the moaning pines — and pick up the Savannah
Morning A^ezvs. Invariably, upon reaching the column of short para-
graphs, there was something to laugh over. And then the friend
with whom I boarded would ask, "What's the matter with you?"
After Mr. Gross' question, the reading of the paragraph would be in
order. Perhaps it was a reference to Tump Ponder's roan mule,
whose harness had to be put on with a poplar pole — a new pole being
needed every day; perhaps it would be a dig at the Atlanta politi-
cians— those perennially amusing cusses — but, whatever the subject,
there was humor in the paragraphic comment, just as there now is in
that wonderfully fine work done by Ottinger in The Washington Post.
Mr. Gross happened to know about the authorship of these para-
graphs of the Savannah Morning Nezvs. "Joe Harris writes 'em," he
explained. "The printers says they can tell when he is at it, for they
can hear him laugh while he is at work."
"Laugh and the world laughs with you," sings our glorious sister,
Ella Wheeler Wilcox, and the words are true ; but she missed it when
she added, "Weep, and you weep alone." No, ah, no! NO! The
golden chain which links heart to heart, soul to soul, stretches all
the way from the springs of laughter to the fountain of tears.
Where Dickens laughed, you laugh ! Where the tears blotted the
page upon which he wrote, yours blur the page where you read. Is
it not always so?
438 \VATSON"S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
What a horrible world it would be, were there no good Samari-
tans, no sun-crowned men who will stoop to lift the weakling from
the dust, no large-souled woman to forget all the faults of Marmion
and cushion his dying head on her bosom !
Environed sordidly, we grow sordid before we know it. It is
the radiant flower that paints the glories of the butterfly's wing. The
vulture is filthy, for his food is filth. Oh, how we are shaken, roused,
lifted to the heights where the sunlight loves to rest, when some
great event strikes us, when some inspiring word hails all the diviner
spirits which were slumbering within us, waking them to life again !
Then, and then only, we throw off the spell of the sordid surround-
ings, and enter that higher world where all nobler souls understand
each other, honor each other, love one another, laugh in common joy,
weep in common grief.
Joe Harris was just a name to me all the while that I lived and
taught in the wire-grass section, near Savannah ; but when, in 1880,
I was sent as a delegate to the Colquitt Convention, he was the one
man in Atlanta that I wanted to see. For by that time he had gone
from the Savannah Nezi's to the Atlanta Constitution, and I had been
"reading after him" with an interest that never flagged. "Every
once in a while," there came into the columns of the editorial page a
brief sketch so different from all the rest of it — so dainty in finish,
so tender in sentiment — that I would read it again and again, know-
ing instinctively that it was Joe Harris who penned it. Thirty years
ago ! — a long road, reaching back and losing itself in many obscurities ,
but yet I see vividly the little printing office in Putnam County — the
little office that stood amid the big trees of the native forest; the
little office where the squirrels played upon the roof, with no fear
of being killed; the little office from which Joe Harris' friend "went
to the war." Then I see, again and very plainly, a country editor
sitting at his desk, with an "exchange" in his hand, and he is shaken
with sobs — his eyes overflowing with tears. It is Joe Harris, and
he has just "seen it in the paper" that his friend has been killed in
battle.
So, when I went up to the gubernatorial convention to take my
first look at the outer world, I, the shyest of men, wanted to see what
Joe Harris looked like — for I had been told that he, also, was shy.
Well, I saw him, and the sight of him was a personal consola-
tion. He was red-headed, he was freckle-faced, he was ugly, and he
was plainly incapable of adjusting himself to human miscellany.
Said he to me, "Let us go out of this crowd" — it was in the Kimball
House lobby, where human miscellany is apt to be very miscellaneous,
indeed — "and go to some place where we can talk."
But we couldn't manage it; and so we never did get the chance
to have that soul-to-soul talk, which could only be possible when
just we two were together.
All the world acclaims Uncle Remus and his folk-lore stories,
and his high place in literature as a writer of stories is assured; but
EDITORIALS
439
to my mind he never did any better work than the poems and fugitive
pieces which appeared long before the day of Uncle Remus.
Those "Gipsy children" have a natural grace and beauty that "is
a joy forever."
In the last letter I ever wrote him — a letter which told how much
I had always admired and loved him— I urged him to make a col-
lection of those early sketches, in order that they might be preserved
as a book. His health began to fail soon after the letter was written,
and I never heard from him again.
In formal studied phrase, the professional men of the world of
letters will eulogize the dead journalist and author — the pre-eminent
Southern literateur.
I_who am nothing more than a tenant by sufferance in the realm
where I stumbled because of the force of relentless circumstance,
and where I claim no title to a foot of earth— come in all humility
and sorrow to put a wild flower upon his grave.
He loved the birds— may they sing sweetly where he rests. He
loved the trees and flowers— may the leaves whisper while he sleeps
and the flowers bloom above his couch.
He loved his fellow man— may every heart be tenderer and no-
bler because he lived; may every eye be wet with tears because he
died.
440
WATSON'S TEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
THE OLD PACKET BOAT BY THE JAMES
The train was slowing down for Lynchburg; passengers were risings
from their seats, getting ready to leave the cars; my companion leaned
over me and pointed to a distant object on the far bank of the James
and said: "See that old boat up there under the trees. General Jack-
son's body was carried in that from Lynchburg to Lexington."
In the swift view of it which I got, as the train carried us on, it ap-
peared to be a low, irregular hut, squatting there disconsolately, dilapi-
dated and forlorn.
And that was the hearse which bore to its last resting place, "at
Lexington, in the A'alley of \'irginia." the corpse of one of the greatest
soldiers the world has known.
The instantaneous photograph of the old boat which that fleeting
glimpse of it made on my mind will never fade. For it fired the long
train of memory, and the whole of "Stonewall" Jackson's phenomenal
career seemed to form the background of the mental picture of the
old boat.
THE OLD PACKET BOAT (AS IT LOOKS TO-DAY). ON WHICH THE REMAINS OF "STONEWALL'
JACKSON WERE CARRIED FROM LYNCHBURG TO LEXINGTON. VA.
His early life of poverty, orphanage and disease; his indomitable
determination to get on; his record at West Point, where his angularity
and industry were his most noticeable traits of character : then his serv-
ices in the Mexican war, where he was somewhat of a rollicking officer,
brave as his sword, full of dash but also full of fun. Quartered in the
"Halls of the Montezumas," he threw himself into the social pleasures
which followed so soon upon the close of the fighting. No officer in
the army was fonder of the society of the beautiful Mexican ladies ; and
in order that he might the belter enjoy their company, he mastered
the Spanish tongue. Then came the service in the Seminole war, in
which there were no laurels to be gained.
EDITORIALS
441
Professor in the Virginia Military Institute, Jackson was regarded
as an oddity, and nothing more. The boys played all sorts of pranks
off on him,' and the Faculty held him as almost a negligible quan-
tity. Because he was so strict, angular, rigid, Jackson was not
popular with the gay young fellows who came there to loiter their
way through to graduation. At school he had been nicknamed
"Fool Tom Jackson," and now that he was a teacher of boys the same
tendency to provoke ridicule clung to him. On the drill ground the
pieces of artillery, in default of horses, were drawn by the students: to
tease and annoy Jackson, these artillery teams would pretend to get
frightened, during the maneuvres, and would "run away with" the
cannon.
\\'hen I was at Lexing-
ton a few years ago, a
member of the Faculty
who was attached to the
College at the time Jackson
was a teacher there, told
me, as an evidence of Jack-
son's self-control, that on
one occasion, when a stu-
dent who nursed a grudge
against the strict Profes-
sor, threw a brick-bat at
him as he was taking his
walk in the grounds, Jack-
son did not so much as
turn his head.
This gentleman also told
me that the Faculty of the
Institute were considering
the matter of dispensing
with the chair filled by
Jackson, when the Civil
War broke out, and the angular Professor was called to the field.
They showed me the very commonplace house which was Jackson's
home in Lexington, and it aroused in me emotions which no palace on
this earth would stir :— a very modest house, with an ugly location,—
for its front wall is flush with the sidewalk,— standing on a side street,
near the centre of a town which occupies a site of great natural beauty.
And that was the "garden of Brienne" of Stonewall Jackson ! The place
where he buried himself in study, standing at his desk, without book or
paper, concentrating his thought intensely upon all that he had read
during the study-hours of the day. Then, when the clock struck nine—
not before it began to strike, and not until the ninth stroke had sent its
record-voice to the past.— did the rigid student throw off the shackles
of discipline, and begin to romp with the children on the floor or mingle
in the li^it and familiar conversation of the household.
THOMAS JONATHAN JACKSON.
442
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
For the odd Professor, whom nobody understood, but who was
thoroughly respected by every sober-minded person who knew him, had
somehow or other won the heart of a beautiful young woman, had made
her his wife, and was now a beloved member of her family.
Margaret J. Preston is known to almost every one who reads, but
her sister Eleanor is remembered by the few, only, who know that it was
she whose loveliness of person and character completely subdued the
shy and complex character of the Professor, converted him to her
own religious faith, gave him the first inclination toward becoming de-
vout, and by her untimely death, after one year of domestic happiness,
gave him a sorrow that darkened the remainder of his life.
To me, "Stonewall" Jackson seems to belong to the class of Havelock
and "Chinese" Gordon. Like those great soldiers, he was a religious
fanatic. Like them, he was a mystic. Had he been made Commander-
in-Chief in some war fought for the sake of religion, he would
probably have developed into the Greatest of Great Captains. As it
was, I see in Jackson, as in Lee, a curious occasional apathy. Somehow,
I get the idea that, wdiile both were absolutely loyal to the Southern
Confederacy, unselfish and unsparing of themselves in the service, neither
Stonewall Jackson nor Robert E. Lee had that supreme confidence, that
whole-hearted passion of purpose, which is so essential to success.
LEE AND JACKSON AT COLD HARBOR.
Both Jackson and Lee were at their best when repelling invasion.
The presence of Northern troops in the Valley, aroused all the lion in
Stonewall Jackson, and he put forth the terrible energy which made that
campaign immortal. The approach of the Northern hosts upon Rich-
mond had a similar effect upon General Lee; he rose to the crisis
EDITORIALS 443
and was the Great Captain — some say the greatest of all the soldiers
produced by the Anglo-Saxon race. But once the supreme danger to
native land had passed, neither Lee nor Jackson pressed their advan-
tages home, with the ruthless purpose of destroying the enemy, as
each would have done had they been fighting any other people save thfir
own flesh and blood.
The blundering, disastrous pursuit of McClellan, as he fell back on
the James, after the fighting around Richmond, shows this. The South-
ern army would have been immensely better off had it simply kept in
sight of the enemy, compelling him to continue the retreat by threaten-
ing his flank and his base of supplies. In fact, Gen. E. P. Alexander,
in his most valuable book of Reminiscences, describes the conduct of
Stonewall Jackson, during the retreat of McClellan, in a way that leaves
no doubt of the great commander's lack of mental energy during the
pursuit.
The gentlemanly manner in which General Lee conducted his opera-
tions each time that he invaded the enemy's country, proves my analysis
to be correct. Think of Wellington, or Blucher, or Napoleon, or Marl-
borough, scolding his troops, furiously, for taking apples from the
orchards of the foe, or making a camp fire out of his fence-rails.
An old soldier, who now lives at Sugar Valley, Georgia, published
a letter in The Weekly Jeffersonian, in which he told how General Lee,
in high wrath, called him a "thief," a "disgrace to the army," and other
"hard names," because the soldier, hungry and tired, had taken some
fruit from an orchard and was trying to satisfy his hunger with it. This
was during the invasion of Pennsylvania.
It was in the highest degree creditable to Robert E. Lee that he
would order one of his men to "put that rail back on that fence," — but
is that the spirit which wins, in war? It ought to be, I grant you, — but
is it ? There used to be much of that noble spirit in the days of Chivalry
and in the days when the French officers were supposed to say to the
foe, "Gentlemen of the English Guard, we never fire first."
But whatever remains of that "after yoit" spirit were left in Europe,
the era of Napoleon swept away; and ever since he scandalized the
decorous Austrian officers by fighting them in any way that meant most
damage to them,—rn\&s or no rules,— the practice has been the reverse
of chivalrous. The ruthlessness of Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and
Rosecrans was most ungentlemanly, — but most effective.
Had our West Point generals waged war upon the North with the
same destructive fury, the result of the conflict would have been different.
Had General N. B. Forrest been at the head of the magnificent army
which invaded Maryland, there would have been no Antietam : had he
led the host that entered Pennsylvania, there would have been no Gettys-
burg. He would have been as rviihless as Sheridan or Sherman, and by
the time the North began to read, in the light of burning homes and
blazing cities, zvhat war meant, there would have been heard an irre-
sistible cry of, "Stop it, Stop it!"
444
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
It zivs because the Xorth WAS NEVER MADE TO REALIZE
WHAT THE WAR WAS, that she kept it up!
************
And the old boat crouches on the bank of the river, slowly settling
down into ruin. Thrifty, feverish, money-loving Commercialism hurries
by and gives the lonely derelict a merely casual glance. And yet the
sight of it calls up so much to those who know the past.
I close my eyes and hear again the peal of thunder and see the dis-
tant lightning, as Stonewall Jackson crashes against the Union flank at
Chancellorsville. I hear the "ten thousand whippoorwills" of whom Jeb
Stuart spoke afterwoods ; I see the Confederates struggle forward in
the dense scrub woods; the Federals scatter in confusion and Howard's
Corps is annihilated; the rapid advance of Jackson's men has broken
their own formation and there is a perilous confusion; the enemy, in a
desperate attempt at salvation, plants a battery and shells the turnpike ;
a momentary halt is made by the Confederates, and Jackson, caught up
in the concentration of a great purpose, rides too far, too far to the
front ; with all his might he is pushing around to the enemy's rear, to
cut him off from the United States ford, and take his entire army pris-
oners, or destroy it !
CHANCELLORSVILLE.
Alas, he rides too far in the darkness; — no picket line protects him
from the enemy and he comes within their musket range, is fired upon,
gallops back toward his own men — who have orders to fire on cavalry and
who do not know that Stonewall has ridden beyond them — is fired upon
by his men and is carried, here and yonder, by his frenzied horse, whic^.
the wounded hero can no longer control; is at length lifted from the
saddle to the ground, where he lies beneath a tremendous cannonade of
the enemy, with a drawn face, white with pain, turned up to the moon.
EDITORIALS
44:)
"My God! it's General Jackson!" cried a soldier, marching by: and
in a few days the heartbroken wail rang throughout the South, "Aiy
God ! Stonewall Jackson is dead."
In the book, "Bethany," I unintentionally gave pain to the widow
and children of General Pender, by stating that, apparently, the shots
which were fatal to General Jackson were fired by men of Pender's bri-
gade. I was led into this error by following Gen. Fitz Lee. I am sat-
isfied that Gen. Lee was in error. It is practically certain that the troops
who fired upon Gen. Jackson belonged to Lane's, North Carolina,
brigade.
The subject is painful, and perhaps no attempt should ever have been
made to identify the soldiers who did the shooting. No possible good
could come of it — for the troops were not at all to blame.
Whether Gen. Jackson assum-
ed that a picket line had been
thrown out in front, or whether
his act in riding forward was in-
cident to his absorption in his
great purpose, can never be
known. During the days of pa-
tient suffering which preceded
his death — the death of a resign-
ed, undoubting Christian — he
made no effort to account for
what had occurred. A pathetic
detail, however, is that those who
first got to him, after he was
shot, relate that his expression
zvas one of utter astonishment.
But the iron lips closed down
and he said nothing. Nothing?
Nothing about the calamity that
had befallen him.
But when Gen. Pender expressed a doubt of being able to hold his
advanced, exposed and temporarily unsupported position, Jackson's order
came, prompt, stern, emphatic :
"You must hold your ground, General Pender! You must hold
your ground, Sir!"
Faint with loss of blood, unable to stand, racked with pain, the
soldierly instinct and heroic spirit were masters to the end : "Hold your
ground!"
At the first Manassas, Gen. Thomas Jonathan Jackson would not
give ground to the enemy, was immovable and confident when the wrecks
of broken brigades were all around him, and so won the title by which
his people prefer to call him. It was fitting that his last order on the
field of battle should have been just what it was: "You must hold your
ground. Sir!"
Gen. Pender was a brave officer, and Gen. Lee's official report of
STONEWALL J.^CKSON
446 WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
Chancellorsville makes mention of the conspicuous gallantry displayed
by Gen. Pender in the battle on the day after Jackson's fall.
************
There never was a sublimer funeral given to any National hero
than the South gave her ideal soldier, Stonewall Jackson. Not only was
he mourned by the weeping thousands who followed his body to Rich-
mond, but it is a literal fact that in every city and town throughout the
Confederacy there were outbursts of grief that betokened a universal
sorrow. Even now, there is no subject — none whatever — that moves
the average Southern man more quickly and more profoundly than that
of Jackson, — his purity, his consecration, his sublime unselfishness, his
beautiful and grand simplicity, his profound and unobtrusive piety, his
dramatic and tragic fall in the hour of glorious victory, his fortitude in
suffering, his touching submission to the will of God.
************
I turn to the Diary kept by Margaret J. Preston. The date is May
5th. (1863.)
Here is the entry:
"Today brings news of a terrible battle — but no particulars ; only
that Gen. Frank Paxton is killed, Jackson and A. P. Hill wounded."
"May 7th: Another day of awful suspense. Not a solitary letter
or person has come from the army to Lexington ; only a telegram from
Governor Letcher, announcing that Captain Greenlee Davidson is killed ;
his body and Paxton's are expected tomorrow. What fearful times we
live in !"
"Friday, 8th. Today we hear that Gen. Jackson's arm is ampu-
tated and that he is wounded in the right hand. How singular that it
should have been done through mistake by a volley from his own men.
It happened at midnight Saturday."
'"May 10th, Sabbath: This afternoon Dr. White attempted to hold
service ; but just as he was beginning, the mail arrived, and so great was
the excitement, and so intense the desire for news, that he was obliged
to dismiss the congregation. We only hear of one more death among
Lexington boys, young Imboden. Several wounded ; this is much bet-
ter than we had dared to hope."
"May 12th, Tuesday: Last night I sat at this desk writing a letter
to General Jackson, urging him to come up and stay with us, as soon as
his wound would permit him to move. / zvcnt doivnstairs this morning,
zi'ith the letter in 7n\ hand, and zvas met bv the overwhelming nezvs that
JACKSON WAS DEAD! A telegram had been sent to Col. Smith by
a courier from Staunton. Doubt was soon thrown upon this by the ar-
rival of someone from Richmond, who saifl he had left when the tele-
gram did, and there was no such rumor in Richmond. So, between al-
ternate hope and fear, the day passed. It was saddened by the bringing
home of General Paxton's remains, and by his funeral. At five this
evening the startling confirmation comes — Jackson is indeed dead ! My
heart overflows with sorrow. The grief in this community is intense ;
everybody is in tears. What a release from his weary two years' war-
fare. To be released into the blessedness and peace of heaven ! . . .
EDITORIALS 447
How fearful the loss to the Confederacy ! The people made an idol of
him and Cod has rebuked them. No more ready soul has ascended to
the throne than was his. Never have I seen a human being as thor-
oughly governed by duty. He lived only to please God; his daily life
was a daily offering up of himself. All his letters to Mr. P. and to me
since the war began, have breathed the spirit of a saint. In his last let-
ter to me, he spoke of our precious Ellie, and the blessedness of being
with her in heaven. And now he has joined her, and together they unite
in ascribing praises to Him who has redeemed them by his blood. Oh,
the havoc death is making! The beautiful sky and the rich, perfumed
air seemed darkened by oppressive sorrow. Who thinks or speaks of
victory? The word is scarcely ever heard. Alas! Alas! When is the
end to be?"
"May 15th, Friday: General Jackson was buried today, amid the
flowing tears of a vast concourse of people. By a strange coincidence,
two calvary companies happened to be passing through Lexington from
the West, just at the hour of the ceremonies; they stopped, procured
mourning for their colors, and joined the procession The
exercises were very appropriate; a touching voluntary was sung with
subdued, sobbing voices; a prayer from Dr. Ramsey of most melting
tenderness ; very true and discriminating remarks from Dr. White, and
a beautiful prayer from W. F. J. . The coffin was draped in the
first Confederate flag ever made, and presented by Pres. Davis to Mrs.
Jackson ; it was wrapped around the cofftn and on it were laid multi-
tudes of wreathes and flowers which had been piled upon it all along-
the sad journey to Richmond and thence to Lexington. The grave, too,
was heaped with flowers. And now it is all over, and the hero is left
'alone in his glory.' Not many better men have lived and died. His
body-servant said to me, 'I never knew a piouscr gentleman.' Sincerei
mourning was never manifested for anyone, I do think. . . . The
dear little child is so like her father; she is a sweet thing, and will be a
blessing, I trust, to the heart-wrung mother."
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD
By TOM DOLAN
The Denver Pow-Wow.
The Democratic convention at Den-
ver was pretty much a mess. "Among
those present" was the gentleman
who had some idea of dragging him-
self into prominence by trying to
stampede the "rock-ribbed" brethren
for Roosevelt, recalling the Chatta-
nooga incident wherein our brilliant
John Temple Graves similarly effer-
vesced. There were the Parkerites
loaded with the Cleveland resolutions.
There were the lost and lonely allies
like derelicts drifting upon the "Bry-
any" sea, while Princess Alice Long-
worth, Lady Ruth Bryan Leavitt, and
other peeresses of the realm added to
the picturesqueness of the occasion.
Mrs. Mary C. Bradford, one of the
two women delegate s-at-large, was
there with an equal suffrage plank,
ready to hold up the American end of
the Suffragette movement. The
"Peerless One" kept his hand on the
nominating button, and when he
pressed it, to his exceedingly great
surprise, it spelled his name. Where-
upon the cohorts recited the screech
they had been sent to deliver, to the
tune of "what-the-Hell-do-we-care,"
trampled the allies into the dust, hung
Guffey's scalp on some bushes to dry.
DEE-LIGHTED."
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD
449
insulted the Southern delegations and
decamped.
Scandals in Germany.
When you cast a pehble into a pond,
there is an ever widening circle winch
rionles over the surface, and it is so
with the Eulenberg sensation, which
now threatens to involve not only the
nobility, but the very royalty of the
German Empire. Disgrace, impris-
onment and suicide have been making
inroads among the Kaiser's intimate
friends.
Naturally, but few details leak out
from that rigid court and if they did
they would hardly get through a cen-
sored press. This, in our dull season,
is somewhat hard,, seeing how freely
we divert all nations by a generous
publication of the antics of our bil-
lionaires and the salacious doings of
our aristocratic divorcees. It is a se-
rious detriment to the "entente" that
there should be this unequal exchange
of entertainment. Wilhelm, further-
more, has chopped off a part of those
upcurling and bristling mustachios,
and we cannot figure out the signifi-
cance of this. There is a Mrs. Grun-
dy spirit among nations, as in every
community, and that spirit wants to
find out things.
Labor After the Beef Trusi
Labor leaders in New York have
demanded a Federal inquiry into the
Beef Trust and have called upon the
Attorney General of the United States
to act. Labor unions throughout the
entire country are urged to pass sim-
ilar resolutions. It has been found
that, without any warrant therefor,
the price of meats has gone up from
three to seven cents per pound. The
feeling in New York is so intense that
women have rioted in many instances
and there is an absolute revolt against
the extortion being practiced. Labor-
ing men are almost of necessity meat
eaters, for meat is the most concen-
trated of all foods and there are very
good physiological reasons why you
cannot deprive a laborer of meat
without intiicting hardship upon
him, and a very possible retrogression
in his work. This protest from labor
unions ought to receive prompt con-
sideration from the President, and if
he ever wants to "bust a Trust" he
could please the common people no
more than by smashing this most in-
famous monopoly.
Appalling Advance of Militarism.
General Robert Shaw Oliver, Asst.
Secretary of War, has outlined a plan
to organize a standing army of 250,-
000 men and bring Federal and State
troops into one great military organ-
ization trained and equipped for any
emergency. He is quoted as saying :
"There are no longer any militia men.
They are all United States volunteers.
In the event of war they are part of
the regular army under the new law.
Up to this time the President has
been powerless to direct the manage-
ment of State troops. It is so no
longer !"
The peaceful citizen, seeing no
wars impending, desiring no con-
quests, realizing that our colonial pol-
icies have been frightful mistakes
cannot but ask himself, bewilderedly :
"What does it mean? Why should
we have a huge fleet restlessly win-
nowing the oceans, while a great en-
gine of despotism — a standing Fed-
eral army for which there is no ex-
cuse— should be built up and foisted
upon us?"
What is the true answer to be giv-
en to this peaceful citizen?
Another South American Revolution.
Paraguay — that queer country we
always have to look up in the Geogra-
phy every time it ventures into the
lime-light — is just now having her
turn at a revolution. Many rioters
450
WATSON'S TEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
are reported killed and fighting has
been going on for days in the City of
Asuncion. The reasons for the up-
rising against their present govern-
ment are ones which we commend to
thoughtful persons the world over:
conditions approaching bankruptcy, a
daily falling off in trade, an increasing
premium on gold and growing dis-
tress of the population.
Pension Bills.
The House of Commons has re-
cently put through an old-age pension
and England would better mend the
system that makes paupers of the
honest and industrious poor than to
make them distributees of disappoint-
ing pittances at the close of a life-
time drudgery.
A Fourth of July Petition.
Seizing upon the anniversary of
our Independence, the Filipinos have
called the attention of this Govern-
ment to their unhappy condition due
to our Tariff, pointing to the advan-
Secretary Taft— 'We serve this beveragein small doses, so
that you may not become intoxicated."
— Morris in the Spokane Spokesman Rcvuw.
bill, thus adding $40,000,000 yearly to
the disbursements England must
make and English people must man-
age to provide. It is generally re-
garded as a -victory for Socialism.
Honest old age should not have to
beg its bread, of course; but a free
field and a fair fight in youth would
make old age pensions unnecessary
tages which Porto Rico enjoys by
reason of free trade, and makes what
should be a touching claim that Uncle
Sam is under a moral obligation to as-
sist them.
Will not the merit of their appeal
go straight to the heart of the new
Secretary of War, Gen. Luke E.
Wright, an ex-Confederate soldier?
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD
451
Trouble In India.
Rebellion to British rule is brewing
in India. Indians, educated in Amer-
ica and other lands, have gone home
to find the condition of their people
anything but gratifying to their pride
and patriotic societies have been sow-
ing the seeds of revolt. England is
much dismayed and has, rather un-
wisely we think, resorted to a Press
act intended to check the publication
of "seditious" doctrines. Russia's
encroachments are temporarily check-
ed, but it looks as if England's main-
tenance of her power must mean to
tremble in fear of another Khyber
Pass or bloody Mutiny. Two hun-
dred and fifty millions of human be-
ings is a pretty big crowd to keep
subjugated, even though they are not
at all of a militant type.
To add to her troubles, there is a
bitter quarrel on now between Eng-
land's famous sea-captains. Admiral
Lord Charles Beresford and Admiral
Sir John Fisher which has split the
navy into two factions. Lord Beres-
ford has opposed reforms in the Na-
vy— and no one who knows anything
of the British Navy but realizes that
reforms there were sadly needed —
which Sir John Fisher attempted to
make in the nature of compelling offi-
cers and men to get busy, instead of
enjoying a perennial pleasure cruise.
Unfortunately, it is said this state of
affairs cannot be controlled by the
Admiralty, for the simple reason that
they would have a "strike" on their
hands.
Grover Cleveland Dead.
In the years which intervened be-
tween his first and second administra-
tions, Grover Cleveland said : "It's
a solemn thing to be President." And
now the great solemnity of death has
come to him, and we who live to com-
ment on the news that this powerful
tigure in national affairs has faded
into the mists of Eternity, pause and
ponder with a feeling akin to awe
upon his record. For it is closed now.
The book is sealed. He who balances
and weighs all men and all adminis-
trations will audit the account and no
mortal hand may erase an error or
add one further item on the credit
side.
For the "unreplying dead," we have
nothing but respect, and for the wid-
ow and children who mourn, the deep-
est reverence for their sorrow. But
his record is as much the property of
the historian of the present as of the
future, and it is in the spirit of the
historian, not the partisan, we ap-
proach it. His first administration
was creditable and he left the White
House the idol and the oracle of his
party. But his breadth was not equal
to his strength and Cleveland as an
office-seeker and during his second
term showed a narrow and stubborn
disregard of the party which had so
faithfully followed and hopefully
trusted him. His was a superb op-
portunity to render Democracy a su-
preme service. Instead of that, he
held it up to the world as but a less
powerful Republicanism. It was he
who virtually established the Gold
Standard, played into the hands of
Wall Street and placed corruption in
high places. No Republican Presi-
dent could have done worse.
Strike.
A strike has been declared by the
union miners of the State of Ala-
bama. The appeal to the miners urges
them to quit work and make a su-
preme effort to effect a powerful or-
ganization, obtain a betterment of
wages and conditions and they are
promised the help of the United Mine
Workers of America.
^52
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
The Suave Insolence of Mr. Schwab.
A few days ago Mr. C. M.
Schwab, the Steel Trust magnate, re-
lieved his pent-up feelings in an inter-
view on his return from Europe. The
burden of his song was praise, of
course, for the Ship Subsidy bill. He
followed the usual tactics employed
by our patriotic Captains of Industry
in making a floundering attempt to
show that it would be of general ben-
efit to the entire country, but he for-
got himself finally in venting the pre-
Mr. Schwab further confesses that
the Government might, if necessity
arose, be compelled to send away our
goods in foreign built ships.
This is a clean give-away of the
real influence back of the Big Navy
propaganda.
The tariff killed our merchant ma-
rine, and now they propose to resur-
rect by the forced process of subsidiz-
ing ship-builders. Ship-building ma-
terials on the free-list, or the liberty
to buy ships wherever we can get
n
■ ~\
j^
diction that "it would never be possi-
ble to prevent the passage of the bill
for the reason that the whole steel in-
dustry and many other interests of
the country were intimately involved
with the business of ship-building."
That is to say, it is vain to oppose
what the "special interests" demand.
them cheapest, would at once evolve
an American Merchant Marine. But
the navigation laws deny the protec-
tion of our flag to the foreign built
ship, or the high duties which cause
high prices in ship-building materials
make it impossible for us to compete
with foreigners.
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD
453
To take money out of the U. S.
treasury to hire men to build ships
and maintain them is sheer diaboUsm.
Big Game for Roosevelt.
Grizzlies, mountain lions and his-
weight-in-wild-cats appearing, at least
in the sheltered precincts of the White
House, to be too insignificant for a
hunter of his prowess, Mr. Roosevelt
has announced that he will seek the
haughty jaguar of the jungle and
swipe her cubs from under the very
jaws of the she-lion. It is already ar-
ranged. Rhodesia, the British Afri-
can territory north of the Transvaal,
is the finest big game country in the
world, and the devouring hordes of
wild beasts vamp over the veldt in
prodigious numbers and with infinite
variation of horror. After his pro-
longed experience with the "Elephant"
that kind of beast would be stale and
tame. Greater things are sought;
it is not the usual and ordi-
nary stunts made famous by Ri-
der Haggard that Mr. Roosevelt is
setting out to do. No ; he will at last
find the retired liar of the "jabber-
wock" some "frabjous" day; should
a Megatherium still prowl in the fast-
nesses of some dark, deep forest, —
TEDDY IN AFRICA
454
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
there will Teddy await him, to lasso
and drag him forth. Nay, more; we
would confidently expect him to face
and subdue an Iambic Hexameter,
should one attack him never so vic-
iously, and higher than that no mortal
valor mounts. He has solved the
problem of what to do with the ex-
presidents we have loafing around on
every street corner. They should all
a-slaying go.
Incidentally and casually it may be
remarked that fully 2,200,000 of books
which he is to write pertaining to his
experiences in Africa are sold even
before he sets out for the field of his
mighty achievements, and he has
cleaned up $150,000 on the idea that
he thinks of going.
The Running Mate.
John Worth Kern, sneaks for a mo-
ment into the limelight and somehow
appeals to our sympathy. We are as
sorry for him as we would be for the
chorus-girl whom a mouse had sent
scuttling out upon the stage all un-
prepared. He seems to have got the
nomination, but "the hook" with it.
He is from Indiana, whith is a sadful
confession for anyone save a literary
genius to make; and his own delega-
tion tried to enthuse, but being from
Indiana, likewise, deponent saith their
effort could not be called a "demon-
stration" ; and his sister lumbered in
from the farm the day afterwards
and heard the news with most unsis-
terly composure, not to say uncon-
(BY "DOC BIRD" IN DENVER POST OF JULY 5.)
A SURVEY OF THE WORLD
455
cern; and his wife "is sorry!" Added
to all these dampeners, he is a pal
and understudy of Tom Taggart. Mr.
Kern has further distinguished him-
self by being twice defeated in his
own State for Governor. Altogether,
it is but charitable to lead the deject-
ed Mr. Kern back into a kindly seclu-
sion.
Benevolent Assimilation by Hon. Japan.
From statistics compiled covering
the past year, it appears that opera-
tions in Corea have resulted in a loss
of less than 500 Japs, as against about
16,000 Coreans. We have always
heard that the Japanese were the po-
litest people in the world, not even
excepting the French, and it seems
that they must have been lavishly
generous in pouring ammunition into
the estimable enemy.
It's the bugle call to breakfast, after
all. Corea was just another nation
found asleep and so her officious
neighbor got busy "awakening" her.
It was so with Japan herself fifty or
sixty years ago. She was drowsing
along when the morning call sounded
and she has been hustling ever since
until now she is a great "world pow-
er." True, her masses are reduced
to most hopeless wretchedness and the
burdens of taxation are almost too
great to be borne, but the imperial
idea is triumphant. China is being
roused from her slumber of Centu-
ries to a career she certainly did not
want, perhaps she did not need. So
let Corea take comfort in the thought
that her case is not unusual. She
may be dispossessed of her own rights
and prerogatives, but she will in time
attain the heights of Occidental civil-
ization as interpreted by an imitative
and an alien race.
456
WATSOX'S TEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZIXE
(T'-
^
K
General Clement A. Evans.
We publish an excellent snap-shot of Gen. Evans, who on
June 10th last, became the Commander-in-Chief of the Confed-
erate veterans. Me has well won and worn many honors. This
highest place in the esteem of his comrades was rightfully his
and will be noblv filled.
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF
ACCEPTANCE
One of the most fearful statements that was ever made is that "his-
lory repeats itself." Take the words lightly, and they make no very
great impression ; study them deeply, and you stand appalled.
The clash of armies, the horrors of war, the carnage which spared
neither age nor sex — history is full of it, and when "history repeats
itself," the slopes of another Gettysburg will run red with blood, the
fiery broom will sweep other Shenandoah valleys, and other Atlantas
and Columbias will be fed to the flames on some other "Sherman's march
to the sea."
The conquest of human reason by the priest; the reign of religious
intolerance, with its dungeon, its rack, its stake for the independent
thinker, history is full of it; and zvhen "history repeats itself," the world
will have once more lost its liberty of conscience, will again hear the
shrieks of the victims of inquisition, will again shudder with fear ana
horror as some other Philip of Spain slaughters his tens of thousands,
some other Charles of France fires the signal gun for a massacre of St.
Bartholomew.
The establishmoiit of the political oligarchy, the use of legislative
machinery by one class to rob the others, the exploitation of the unpriv-
ileged by the privileged, history is full of it ; and zvhen "history repeats
itself," we shall again have the rule of the few over the many, the
confiscation of the property of the unprivileged under forms of law, and
the giving to systematized pillage the sacred name of government.
Let us go back to one of the tragic chapters in the annals of the
past. It may be that a study of that chapter will arouse us to an appre-
ciation of the dangers which have come upon us. We return to the year
44 B. C. The aristocracy which had declared war on Julius Caesar had
been overthrown. For six months this great soldier and lawgiver of an-
tiquity had been at work reforming the Roman system, but now the
Ides of March had come, the Ides of March against which the Sooth-
sayer had warned him — the Ides of March had come ! — and the daggers
which the senatorial conspirators had been whetting for him were ready.
Dull is the imagination which can not picture the scene as Caesar enters
the Senate chamber, goes, without suspicion, to his accustomed seat;
is surrounded by the assassins, every one of whom he believes to be
his friend, and every one of whom had, a few days before, taken a
solemn oath to defend his life; is stabbed from behind, and springs to
his feet, to fight, looks around him and finds that he, unarmed, is girdled
by armed and relentless men ; is pierced and slashed till twenty-three
wounds are spilling his life-blood; realizes that the end has come; scorn.-
458 WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
to gratify his murderers with a word or sign of fear, covers his face
with his mantle, and sinks to die at the foot of Pompey's statue.
Why did Roman aristocrats kill Julius Caesar? What had he done
to Rome that the Roman nobles should take his life ?
He had abolished imprisonment for debt and by this act had de-
prived the Roman capitalist of his power to keep his debtor in slavery.
The long Civil war had brought about a great fall in prices, for the
rich had hoarded their money. Caesar declared that no creditor should
seize the property of those who owed him, unless it was taken at the
same price it would have brought had it been put upon the market before
the decline in values set in.
In Rome, the burdens of government rested most heavily on those
who got the least out of it, and most lightly upon those who monopo-
lized its advantages. Wise, just and fearless, Caesar put high taxes upon
the luxuries of life, leaving the necessaries untaxed.
In Rome there were usurers who did nothing but lend money and
collect interest. They engaged in no other business, made no investments,
paid no taxes, contributed nothing to the wealth and well-being of the
itate. Caesar wished to free the republic of these parasites. Under his
law the money-lender was forbidden to lend more than twice the amount
which he had invested in real estate ; thus the usurer was forced into
the class of investors and taxpayers.
Great landed estates, cultivated by slave gangs, were the curse of
Italy. Caesar compelled every proprietor to employ free labor, to the ex-
tent of one-third of all those who worked for him.
Besides this, he adopted a homestead policy. He not only divided
out the public domain among the citizens who had no homes, but inau-
gurated the policy of buying lands with the public funds for the pur-
pose of giving homes to the homeless.
Roman cities were thronged with the unemployed. Three hundred
thousand of the poor were fed from the public granaries. Caesar cut
off 150,000 names from the lists of free grain distributees, and said to
them, in effect : "Yonder is a piece of land offered you by the state ;
go to it ; stay on it ; work it, and learn to earn bread in the sweat of
your face."
Brutus was one of the assassins who cut Caesar down, and Brutus
was a money lender who had been fattening on 48 per cent interest.
There were many of these high-born usurers, and their wrath was in-
tense when Caesar decreed that the rate of interest should not exceed
12 per cent, and that there should be no such thing as the compounding
of interest.
Caesar revived the law against hoarding. Any capitalist who kept
out of circulation a greater sum than $3,000 became a criminal, sub-
ject to severe penalties. The idea was, that money should circulate,
that it was created for no other purpose, and that whoever hoarded
it, thus diminishing the available supply, causing inconvenience and loss
to others, committed an offense against his fellow-man and a crime
against the state.
THOS. E. WATSOX'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANXE 459
Oh, that we had had a Ceesar in the White House last October, when
those Wall Street rascals drew into New York City all the available
cash of the country, hoarded it, and created the panic, which swep.
this continent like a withering simoon!
It was on account of his reform measures that the Roman aristo-
crats plotted against Caesar ; hating the reforms, they murdered the
reformer.
By way of parenthesis, let me say that Caesar was the leader of the
political party, whose members were called the "Populares." The Latiti
word "Populares" has the same meaning as the two Greek words, out
of which the name Democrats was coined. If you were asked to put
into English the exact political classification of Julius Caesar, you would
call him a Democrat, or a Populist, it being left to you to say which
classic derivation you preferred — the Latin or the Greek.
"History repeats itself," and today we have in our own Republic
every abuse against which the Roman "Populares" made war.
Our public domain has been preyed upon by millionaire plunderers
and land-grabbing corporations until the American people have been
stripped of a territory larger than that over which soars the Black Eagle
of Germany. Timber thieves, apparently with the connivance of the gov-
ernment, have been allowed to devastate such mighty forest areas that
the losses, to us and to our children's children, direct and indirect, defy
human computation. In all directions the terrific energy of the corpora-
tion has driven the public off the public domain. Our streets have been
seized by telegraph, telephone, and railroad companies. The iron-horse
monopolizes the main line of public travel, and, instead of belonging
to the public, as it should, the horse, as well as the vehicle, and the
road, is private property. Our helpless cities are not permitted to
illuminate themselves. The private company must be chartered to hold
the light which enables the public to walk its own streets.
In other civilized countries the carriage of small parcels and the
use of the telephone and telegraph are parts of the Postal service and
are great blessings to the masses of the people: with us they are pri-
vate monopolies and are very great blessings to a few Capitalists.
In other civilized countries the public owns, and operates, the
railroads : with us there is as yet fatuous contentment with a system of
Private ownership which taxes us for dividends upon $7,000,000,000 oi
watered securities and which persists in killing men, women, and chil-
dren rather than go to the expense of adopting the safety appliances
which would prevent the butcheries.
The historian, wishing to impress us with the wealth and extrava-
gance of the Roman aristocracy, tells us that so large a sum as $1,200
was sometimes paid for a horse, and $200,000 for a palace. We are
then given a list of Roman millionaires, and it appears that these plu-
tocrats were worth from One million to Twelve million dollars. Pom-
pey the Great, who had conquered and plundered provinces larger than
continental Europe, left property valued at $3,500,000. Crassus, the
richest of all the Roman nabobs, left a fortune of $12,000,000.
460 WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAN MAGAZINE
Suppose you compare the plutocracy of Rome to that of these
United States. J. P. 2^Iorgan has more money invested in art treas-
ures, alone, than the richest of all the Romans was worth. The "sum-
mer cottage" of Cornelius Vanderbilt cost $3,000,000, to say nothing of
the land and the furnishings. John D. Rockefeller's yearly income is
greater than was the entire fortune of the richest Roman. Enormous-
as were the treasures which Pizarro's tortures forced from the Inca of
Peru, they are dwarfed by the sums which E. H. Harriman and his
gang have taken from the Union Pacific, the Central Pacific, and the
Chicago & Alton.
Great as was the spoil of Cortez in the Conquest of IMexico, it was
less than Jay Gould and his son George gathered together in the Con-
quest of American railways,
Fron^ one comparatively small railroad system, the Central of
Georgia, J. P. Morgan and a choice assortment of participating thieves,,
took and carried away a larger sum than Caesar wrung from conquered
Gaul. The victorious Sylla astonished historians by levying a fine of
$25,000,000 upon the rich cities of Greece. Our Sugar Trust levied an
annual fine of twice that amount upon this Republic a few years ago,,
to recoup itself for a contribution of $500,000 which it had made to
the campaign fund of the Democratic party. By judiciously placing-
its contributions with both the old parties, the Steel Trust gets the privi-
lege to so arrange our Tariff schedules as to extort from us, every year,,
net profits to an amount that is ten times larger than the entire revenue
of the Roman Republic.
The Vanderbilt family, through franchise grabbing and stock wa-
tering operations, have robbed the American people of huger sums than
Alexander the Great harvested by his conquest of the opulent East.
Antiquity was scandalized when Cleopatra dissolved and drank a
pearl valued at $400,000; and historians conmrent in a tone of rebuke
upon the luxuries of Lucullus, who spent $8,500 on a feast. When one
of our American millionaires throws open the grand ball-room for a
night of revelry, the ftoiucrs cost more than the feast of Lucullus. And
when one of our Cleopatras fancies that she i» fascinated by some roving
Mark Antony — some English Duke, Italian Prince, French Count, or
Hungarian sneeze-weed — she thinks nothing of spending from One to
Five million dollars on the "pearl." In Cleopatra's case, the gem was
merely a casual product of nature ; in the modern instances every dollar
that goes abroad to pay for foreign titles, and ministers to the depraved
appetites of aristocratic debauches, is the product of the American la-
borer's toil.
Thomas F. Ryan and August Belmont, two Democrats of master-
ful influence in the councils of the Democratic party, looted the trac-
tion lines of New York City of bigger sums than Warren Hastings
took from the princes of Hindustan. Great Britain was indignant at
the rapacity of Hastings, and her greatest orators — Burke, Sheridan,
Fox — thundered against him at the bar of the House of Lords, burning
him with words of invective that will live forever. Ryan and Belmont
<iid not ravage a foreign state, nor plunder people of a different race.
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 461
as Hastings did ; they robbed the people of their own city, men and
women of the same race as themselves, and no impeachment for high
crimes and misdemeanors has brought them to the bar of any tribunal
which has power to punish. Warren Hastings despoiled the idle rich
of India — grandees who had themselves plundered their own people.
Ryan and Belmont did not plunder the idle rich ! No ! They put their
greedy hands upon the scanty earnings of millions of workmen and
work women of New York city, and heaped up riches for themselves,
mountain high, by robbing the industrious poor. But who talks of in-
dicting such Democratic criminals as Ryan and Belmont? Who dreams
of punishing such Republican criminals as Morgan and Harriman?
Weaklings that we are! We not only crouch before the gigantic law-
breakers, but allow them to run our government. All that zve can do is
to punish such offenses as petit larceny. Let the naked steal something
to wear; let the hungry steal something to eat; let the miserable wretch,
shivering with wintry cold, steal something to feed the fire — and we
savagely clutch these poor creatures, and fling them to the lions of the
law. But the men who steal railroads, the Trust-builders, who tram-
ple upon every statute of the penal code in their march to monopoly
and to millions — these are the men before whom we stand helpless and
afraid. There is not an intelligent, well-informed citizen of the coun-
try, who does not know that, through the machinery of both old par-
ties, these millionaire lawbreakers, who ought to be behind the bars,
dictate our legislation, shape our foreign and domestic policies, and
control our fate.
They talk to us of foreign foes, and some of our statesmen are
wild in their clamors for a Billion Dollar navy. But, tell me what
greater harm a foreign foe could inflict upon us than we are suff'ering
from the foe within the gates?
Our Civil War was fierce and bloody, truly a cruel war, and it
lasted four long, long years. Around many and many a wife it threw
the sombre weeds of widowhood; from the lips of many and many a
child it drew the wail of orphanage. Yet we buried fewer dead, and
carried to the hospitals fewer wounded, than we now lose every four
years, to the remorseless greed of capitalism. Count up the victims
in mine, mill, and factory; count up the victims that have strewn the
lines of our railroads ; count up the human wrecks of the sweatshops,
the stock yards, the sugar refineries and the smelting works; count up
what you have lost to those Christians who have taken the little chil-
dren that Jesus loved, wrung dividends out of their little bodies, and',
then tossed them upon the scrap heap; count up all these for four years,,
and you will reach a frightful total, a ghastly total, wdiich exceeds the
losses of our Civil War.
Make the comparison from an economic point of view. This coun-
try, as a whole, was in a happier, healthier condition at the close of the
Civil War than it is right now. There were no men out of work ; there
was not a shameful "bread line" or "soup kitchen" in America. Neither
in the North nor in the South was there a constantly growing army of
tramps, dead-beats, and human derelicts. We had fewer abandoned
462 WATSOX'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZIXE
farms then than now ; we had practically no beggars ; we had few mil-
lionaires and few paupers. A vast amount of paper money, issued by
the Government, was in circulation, and this abundant currency was
rushing along the channels of trade, like an elixir of life, carrying buoy-
ant strength to the uttermost extremities of the Industrial system. On
every hill-top rang out the clarion call of enterprise ; from every valley
rose the hum of hopeful industry.
Cities were seen rising from the ashes, more resplendent than be-
fore the war; farms were once again snowy with cotton, or golden
with grain.
In 1866, the industrial situation was sunlit; the black thunder
clouds had rolled away, and the skies were clear ; we were moving to-
ward the future with the quick, confident step of those who feel that
they are marching into the daivn.
In 1866, it was inconceivable that the day would ever come, in
this land, whose wealth-producers have created riches to the amount
of $110,000,000,000, when we should find three millions of toilers un-
employed ; should see them lift up their empty hands and beg, not for
charity — oh, no! — but for zcork, and get neither charity nor work.
What was it, oh what was it ! that cast the first shadow over the
radiant landscape, that gave the first check to the industrial army which
was advancing under the white banners of peace? What was it that
drove back the rising tide of prosperity and strewed human wreckage
all along the coast? Did idleness seize the workers? Did the clouds
v^ithhold the rain? Did the earth refuse its increase? No! no!
Such bountiful harvests never blessed a people as those which we
have reaped. X^ever in this world !
How then, in the name of the Most High, how was it that the
cup of hope was dashed to the ground and the word Poverty, Poverty,
Poverty, stamped upon so many millions of people in the richest land
upon which the sun ever shone?
The soldiers of the Union and the Confederacy had hardly stacked
arms before the ravenous financiers of the big cities, East and North,
organized to raid the industries of the country with a ferocious thor-
oughness which cared as little for those who wore the Blue as for those
who wore the Gray. With every tool known to labor, wealth was
produced by the workers, working in all the varied fields of production^
The conspiring financiers worked in one field, only. They worked in
Washington City. They worked on Congress. They wanted laws
which would give to them the lion's share of all that should be pro-
duced in every place where labor toiled. They wanted acts of Con-
gress which would Confiscate other people's property and transfer it to
themselves.
They got what they wanted. And that, in brief, is the reason why
those who concentrate their energies upon the law-making, get rich and
stay rich, while those who concentrate their energies upon crop-making
get poor and stay poor.
The destruction of nearly Two Thousand Million Dollars of the
paper money of the government, which was such a blessing to the
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 463
people, but which was so much in the way of the plotting financiers ; the
desolating laws of contraction, which at every step lowered the price of
products and elevated the price of money; the infamous deals in bonds
by which the Wall Streeters periodically sheared the people as the
Shepherd shears his sheep ; the ever advancing demands of special privi-
lege, whose greedy beggars could never get enough ; the constant increase
of taxation which has reached no Pillars of Hercules beyond which it
dares not sail; the unequal distribution of the burdens and the benefits
of government — the corporations getting most of the benefits and the
common people most of the burdens — these are the main causes which
have brought us to such a pass that the unprivileged millions live ever
within the shadow of poverty, and are never certain, this month, that
the next will not bring the wolf of want to howl at the door.
The Trusts.
For several years, a Big Stick President, Teddy the Strenuous,
has been engaged in the alleged work of Trust-busting. Where's
your busted Trust? Which one of them has been put out of busi-
ness? You can not name it. How can a President, who has been
"standing pat" with the Tariff standpatters do any effective trust-
busting? You might as well try to purge and clarify the Gulf of
Mexico without diverting the Mississippi. As long as you "stand
pat" as to the River, the Gulf will "stand pat" in spite of you.
Populism contends that the Trusts are the natural offspring of
monopoly and that the only way to destroy a Trust is to kill the
monopoly. Put on the free list those articles manufactured or han-
dled by the Trusts. The foreign competitor will do the rest.
We American people — patriotic idiots that we are — give our hearty
support to a protective policy, a Tariff' system, which is a crushing
load to everybody — with two exceptions. The first exception is, of
course, the American manufacturer, who exploits the home market
with his Trust; the second is the foreigner, who buys American goods
cheaper than we can buy them, cheaper than he can buy the manufac-
tured goods of his own country.
To our manufacturers we grant legislative favors which enable them
to so exploit the victims of the home-market monopoly that, after put-
ting aside a profit of eight per cent upon the money invested, they
have left, as net profits, $2,672,000,000— a sum three times larger than
the gross revenue of Great Britain!
It is a literal fact that after the beneficiaries of special privilege
get their portions of the annual increase of the nation's wealth, none of
it is left. The American workman brings forth every year the prodi-
gious sum of Four and a Half Billions of Dollars. Yet, when we
come to examine the official reports published by the Government, the
terrible fact appears that the specially privileged have taken the en-
tire amount. A bare living is all that is left for the workman of town
and country, while to the beneficiaries of our damnable class laws has
been awarded wealth that staggers human comprehension. If it isn't
wrong— if it isn't crime against humanity, if it isn't an injustice which
464 WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
cries aloud to high heaven, and which, unless righted, will convulse this
country with the bloodiest revolution that ever shook the world, then
all my reading and study have taught me nothing.
The Money Question.
Last Fall there was a panic, in spite of the fact that we had a
greater amount of material wealth than ever before. Bankruptcy went
stalking through the land, and the cry of distress rang from sea to sea.
How did our Republican President — our friend of the "Big Stick" — deal
with the panic ? He followed precedent, doing just what our Democratic
President, Mr. Cleveland, had done in 1893. J. P. Morgan was Com-
mander-in-chief of the Wall street "patriots" who forced the panic,
last Fall, just as he was in 1893; and to Morgan, Roosevelt's Admin-
istration virtually said, as Mr. Cleveland had said, in 1893 :
"If nothing else but bonds will do you, come and get the bonds!"
What brought on the panic of 1907? The volume of real money
has been so greatly lessened, in comparison to the country's need for
money, that it is not difficult to "corner" the available supply. New
York did this last Fall. Credits of all sorts had been recklessly ex-
tended, and when real money was needed. New York was found to be
in possession of it, and New York held on to it. Neither banks nor
individuals could get back their own money from New York without
paying an extortionate price for it. How could the situation have been
relieved?
The government should have broken the New York corner on
money by issuing its own treasury notes — just as Andrew Jackson did
in 1837.
When the British were being led into that death trap at New Or-
leans in 1815 and their whole campaign was falling into wreck and
ruin, one of the Generals who had served under the Duke of Welling-
ton in Portugal and Spain, cried out : "Oh, for an hour of the old Duke!"
There have been at least two occasions when the American people
might have cried : "Oh, for an hour of the grim warrior who made that
British General feel the need of the Old Duke! Oh, for an hour of
Andrew Jackson!"
One of these occasions was when, in 1893, a so-called Democratic
president exclaimed, in dismay: "My God, Oates, the bankers have
got the Government by the leg!"
The other time was last winter, when the Secretary of the Treas-
ury was handing out those Panama bonds — a violation of law for
which he ought to have been impeached, just as Mr. Carlisle should
have been impeached, in 1893, when the "endless chain" was filling Wall
Street's ravenous maw with unlawfully issued bonds!
By Treasury rulings and by Acts of Congress our money system
has been revolutionized. The system of the Constitution has been set
aside. The Government has been made to abdicate one of its most im-
portant functions. It would not be more dangerous to delegate to pri-
vate individuals the right to declare war and make treaties, than it if
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 465
to delegate the power to control the creation and distribution of the
National currency.
Never did any Government surrender its royal prerogative of creat-
ing money, until the goldsmiths of London bribed a King's paramour
to wheedle him into granting that fatal concession. As a matter of
historical fact, the monstrous usurpation of our money lending class had
its foul origin in the disgraceful relations which gave Barbara Villiers
her power over Charles the Second.
Our forefathers, in framing the Constitution, denied to the states
the power to make anything but gold and silver a legal tender of pay-
ment of debts, yet, today, six thousand National bankers, private citi-
zens though they are, practically do what the Constitution forbids the
states to do. To the extent of Six Hundred Million Dollars, they aU
ready have their personal notes in circulation as money; under the
Aldrich-Vreeland bill, they are given the right to issue an additional
Five Hundred Million. Think of it! Morgan, Ryan, Belmont, Rock-
efeller, Harriman are national bankers, as well as railroad owners.
Under' this new law, thev, as bankers, can monetise the securities ivhich
they issue as railroad owners. You can not monetize land, nor cotton
nor wheat nor corn, nor merchandize ; but you can monetize any sort of
railroad bonds which have been gathered up by the banking association
and which the Secretary of the Treasury can be persuaded to look
upon with favor. Nor is this the worst of it. When they are given
the power to expand and contract the currency as the Aldnch-Vreeland
bill gives it, they can not only send prices up or down, but can pre-
cipitate a panic whenever it is to their interest to do so. Thus our
Government has deliberately given Wall Street almost absolute power
over the 85,000,000 people of our Republic.
Who would not be shocked beyond expression if the Government
should delegate any other of its sovereign functions to private persons,
to be exploited for private gain? How long would it be before the
flao-s of revolt would be unfurled from the Lakes to the Gulf, and from
Oc'^ean to Ocean, if a few of our money Kings were allowed to handle
our Army and Navy? Such a situation is unthinkable. Yet we have its
exact parallel— with no less terrible consequences— in the domination
of these bankers.
Search ever so diligently throughout the vast storehouse of nature
and you will find no such a thing as money. Never did it exist unti
Governments called it into life. Nature doesn't produce armies; it
merely provides the raw material. Nature does not produce navies; it
only supplies the raw material. Just as it has ever been a govern-
mental function to create armies and navies, so it ever has been a
Governmental function to create money.
To supply the nation with its currency it not only the Govern-
ment's prerogative, but its high and solemn duty^ It is a part of the
public domain, in the loftiest and truest sense. The bankers have in-
vaded it and entrenched themselves upon it. Let the Government
drive out the trespassers and reclaim the public domam. Let the Gov-
ernment itself create all the money. Every dollar thus called mto being
466 WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
will have for its security the law of Legal Tender, the industrial de-
mands of the entire country and the wealth of all the people
The happiest era in the history of our Republic was the decade
which preceded the Civil War. The principles of Jackson and Jefferson
were supreme. What Populism is trying to .do, is to bring back the
ascendency of these principles, so that our people may again be pros-
perous and free and happy.
Taking advantage of the Civil War; taking advantage of the sec-
tional passions which burned so long and so fiercely; taking advantage
of the wickedness and woe of the Reconstruction period; these "non-
combatant" financiers, actuated by the same spirit as that which sends
the night prowler to the battlefield to rob the dead, contrived the cun-
ning system of finance which shackles our commerce and despoils our
labor.
Torn by sectional prejudice and political strife, the people on both
sides, North and South, were unconscious of the vicious, vandal laws
which were being put upon the Statute books.
Shall sectional prejudice always keep us blind to these facts? Shall
political agitation always deafen us to the Voice of Truth?
God forbid !
May the ignorant masses learn; may the sleeping masses w^ake up;-
may the abject masses get the stoop out of their backs; may the over-
burdened masses come to know and to feel that their burdens are not
God-made, but man-made ; and may the hearts of the people be once
again filled and thrilled by the grand old principle of Anglo-Saxon
manhood — it is better to die the death of the brave and the free than
to lead the life of the coward and the slave !
The Federal Judiciary.
In a nicely balanced systern like ours, where the States revolve,
each in its own orbit, around thei great central sun, the Federal GoKf
ernment, it means governmental chaos if one of the States leaves its
appointed sphere, or if the Central Government moves out of its Coji-
stitutional position.
The original thirteen colonies were independent of each other.
When Great Britain acknowledged their independence, she named each
one, separately, as an independent State. The Old Confederation w^as
a League of Sovereigns. When the more perfect Union \yas formed,
under the Constitution of 1787, it became necessary to establish a trib-
unal which should have authority to set aside the law of a State when
such law violated the constitution.
To preserve the dignity of the States and the uniformity of de-
cisions, it was provided in the Judiciary Act of 1789, that the test of
the Constitutionality of a State law should first be made in the State
Courts of the State who.se law was challenged, and that if the State
Courts refused to set aside the statute in question, an appeal might be
taken from the Supreme Court of the State to the Supreme Court
of the United States.
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 467
That method of testing the Constitutionality of a state law has
never been changed by Congress, nor by any amendment to the Fed-
eral Constitution. It is the law of the land today. Previous to the
Civil War, no State law was ever attacked in any other manner.
Where do the federal judges of District Courts get their authority
to enjoin Governors and suspend the operation of State laws, as they
have been doing since the Civil War? What line of the Revised Stat-
utes gives these lower federal courts any such jurisdiction? What
clause in the Constitution justifies them?
It can not be found. It does not exist. The act of the federal
courts that have been enjoining State authorities, annulling State law
and arrogating to themselves the right to ])ut a veto on State legisla-
tion, is nothing in the world but the encroaching audacity of the cor-
porations, acting through the servility of the judge !
The Eleventh Amendment to the Constitution has no other pur-
pose than to protect the States from just such outrageous wrongs and
humiliations as they have been subjected to by corporation attorneys,
presiding as judges, during the last thirty or forty years.
If the laws of the State are wrong, why can not they be attacked
first in the State Courts, as the Judiciar)?- Act of 1789 provides? If
the State Courts uphold an Act of the Legislature which is in conflict
with the Constitution, redress can be had by an appeal to the Supreme
Court of the United States.
The original thirteen independent States which agreed to the "more
perfect union" would never have surrendered their sovereignty to any
greater extent than that.
A law of Georgia which has never been repealed emphatically com-
manded the Governor of the State to refuse to accept service in any case
brought against the State in the Federal Courts by private individuals.
This Legislative Act shows the spirit of our ancestors. So far have
we wandered from old landmarks, so indififerent have we become to the
great principles upon which our Government is founded, that neither
the Legislature nor the people made an outcry last year when a private
corporation, which was called into life by the laws of this State, haled
the State of Georgia to a lower federal court and demanded that the
Sovereign State show cause to this federal judge, why one of her laws
should not be torn out of the books, by the judge of this inferior fed-
eral court.
The Governor accepted service, went into that inferior federal
court, and earnestly implored the judge to allow the grand old State
of Georgia — one of the original thirteen — to carry on her State Gov-
ernment !
If ever I am President of this Republic, I promise you one thing:
That these corporation henchmen, acting as federal judges, are going to
get such a call-down as will make them glad to scurry back to their
Constitutional sphere. To accomplish this, nothing more is necessary
than that the Executive power shall assert itself and restore the bal-
ance between the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial Depart-
ments. If I should represent the Chief Executive power, the manner
468 WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
in which it will be asserted will make good reading for future genera-
tions.
The Teutonic People: Never Patient Serfs
The Latins sunk under the weight of Special Privilege. On the
luminous pages of Gibbon you read of the Decline and Fall of Rome.
But we Americans are descendants of the Teutonic people — a stronger
race than the Latins. We are the sons of the men who could never
be conquered by Rome. It was the victory of our heroic ancestors in.
the woods of Germany — annihilating the Roman force — that called to
the lips of the Emperor Augustus the cry : "Oh, Varus, give me back
my legions !"
It was the Teuton who was hired to fight the battles of Rome, when
she was no longer able to fight them herself. It was the Teuton who
finally became tired of upholding the rotten Empire of the Caesars, and
who helped divide it out among better men. It was the Teuton who
met the shock of the invading hordes of Mahomet, rescued Europe
from the Crescent and held it for the Cross. It was the Teuton who
battled against the elements of chaos, in the Dark Ages, and came forth
triumphant, with the great lines of social order slowly taking their
place around him, and the light of dawning civilization on the tip
of his spear.
The women of the East, taken captive in war, wore lightly the
chains which Roman masters placed upon them. They had been slaves
at home, mere ministers to sensuality, and to them a change of serag-
lios was not a matter of vital concern. But the women of the West,
they from whom come to us our mothers, wives, sisters — whenever the
Teuton soldiers had lost a fight, and the legions of Rome were lords
of the vanquished, the Teuton women, who had followed their loved
ones to the war, slew themselves rather than yield to Roman lust.
Glorious women of the West ! "Fashioned in Paradise," wreathed in
graces and virtues like blossoms plucked in the green fields of Eden, "led
down to earth by angels along a pathway of stars — to be the joy, the
blessing, the inspiration of noble men."
Sons of such women were never meant for slaves, nor have they
ever patiently endured the yoke of any servitude. In spite of strong
walled castles and mail-clad knights, our ancestors broke down the mili-
tary aristocracy which had ridden over them and despoiled them in the
Feudal Ages.
In spite of Norman craft and Norman valor, our ancestors brought
tyrannical kings to their knees and wrenched from their reluctant hands
the Charters which have been the cradles of modern Democracy.
And if zve tamely submit to the financial aristocracy which erects
its strongholds upon the heights of Special Privilege and from these
lofty battlements sends forth the marauding statutes that hold us up
on every highway and rob us of what is ours — if 7be yield to these
insolent and insatiable plutocrats WITHOUT A FIGHT, we will be the
first branch of the great Teutonic family that ever disgraced itself by
such a pusillanimous surrender.
THOS. E. WATSON'S SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 469
I, for one, am proud of a record of prolonged, consistent, and
determined battle against the infamous class legislation whose yoke we
bear. And because of this record and because my comrades call me,
and because of the memory of the thousands of the men of the Old
Guard of Populism who as long as they lived stood by me, and believed
in me and loved me, and because the monitor that speaks to me from
within says Do it, I accept the nomination which my Party has ten-
dered.
Any soldier can fight bravely when he knows that his are the heavy
battalions that are sure to win. The truest soldiers are those who fight
gallantly when they know they can not win. Why, then, do they fight?
Because, sometimes, it is better to have fought and lost than not
to have fought at all. From every field of our Civil War — from every
part of that bloody path which stretches from Pjig Bethel to Appomattox,
if those who wore the Gray could speak, would come the voice:
"Believing as we did, we had to fight. Honor, self-respect, patriotic
convictions were imperative — we had to fight. And on these fields where
we fought and fell, in the Lost Cause, as well as upon the fields of
Thermopylae, Marathon, Bannockburn, King's Mountain and Yorktown,
the glorious old truth is still the truth, 'To die for one's country is
sweet !' "
Believing, as we Populists do, the inner law of our natures, which
we dare not disobey, must control ; and the law says : "Forward,
March !"
It is not ours to consider the number of volunteers who may rally
to our standard. It is not ours to measure chances and to weigh
probable results. It is sufficient for us to know ivhat is our duty.
Where conviction says we should go, we will go. What con-
science says we must do, will be done. Having obeyed the law of
our being in this behalf, we leave the rest to that God in whose divine
economy no true word or work was ever lost.
In ancient times, they had no easy way of "striking a light" and
making a fire. Yet it happened, time and again, that there was no
light to be had. The fires had been neglected, everywhere, and the
whole nation found itself in darkness. To rekindle the spark was a
most tedious and difficult matter; therefore, the ancients, to prevent
a recurrence of the calamity, set apart certain individuals whose sole
duty it was in life to keep the light burning.
In Rome, the preservation of the fire was given a sacred character ;
a temple was built for the service, and those who were set apart to
feed the flame were consecrated as to a religious duty.
Pure young women were chosen as guardian angels of the sacred
fire, and if one of these Vestal Virgins lost her own purity, or let the
light in the temple go out, the penalty was death.
Within the temple, night and day, winter and summer, year in and
year out, the Vestal Virgin watched her sacred flame. Roman eagles
might be flying to the uttermost ends of the earth ; Roman legions
might be camping on the distant Rhine, or chasing Picts and Scots to
the Grampian Hills, or forming lines of battle upon the Euphrates —
470
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
but in the temple, at Rome, would be found the eternal fire, with the
Vestals feeding it, night and day.
If the light went out in the house of any Roman — rich or poor,
country or town — he was not left in darkness. Straightway he betook
himself to the temple and lit his torch at the fire which the Vestals
had kept alive.
And all over the broad dominions of Rome there was never a fear
of universal darkness, for they knew that if one Vestal fell away from
duty, another would take her place, and that Vestals might come and
\'estals go, but the light would shine forever.
Oh, my countrymen ! Each of us is a temple, within each of us
was lit the sacred fire, within each of us are the better angels of our
nature, whose eternal vigilance is needed to keep the temple pure and
the light trimmed and burning. As it is with the individual, so it is
with the nation. The grandeur of the Republic must always rest upon
the nobility of the citizen.
Does the sacred fire burn low within me? Then woe unto me — for
I have lessened the Nation's splendor. Has the light gone out of your
life? Then woe unto you — for the Nation has lost a part of its glory.
To every man and woman who has listened to this address, to
every man and woman who shall hereafter read it, I appeal :
Consecrate the temple ; keep pure and perpetual the \"estal serv-
ice; for it is moral death to the individual to neglect the fire; it is
moral death to the Nation to lose the light.
THE OPIUM FIEND
471
THE OPIUM FIEND
Vou ask me why I sit all day and dream,
Inhaling what you call the noxious fumes
Of this dark, stifling drug. So may it seem
To many who have tasted not its joy ;
But to me 'tis a gorgeous paradise
Wherein the glittering forms of seraphs move
In joyful throngs, with cries of ecstacy.
Full oft it is a calm and placid port
Of soothing rest from mad, tumultous waves
Of life. They say I killed my tender wife
By my excess, for much my darling loved ;
But she is dead, and I'm alone in bliss,
And she, perhaps, a fairer angel makes
Than wife. So no regret nor grief have I.
What matters it ? We all must, some day, die.
I am content, and Ting Fu watches me —
He draws my sixty rupees income now —
What little food I eat, he brings to me.
:\Iy strength is gone, and I am failing fast.
When first I came one pipe brought dreams tome,
But now it takes the ninth to soothe my brain.
But when I feel that I'm about to go
I'll call Ting Fu, and leave this dirty rug
For one that's clean. And then he'll fill my pipe
That I may die inhaling soothing fumes.
— Bishop Nettles Alsbrook.
WHEN THE MILL SHUTS DOWN
HOSE who predict-
ed that the Ameri-
can working people
would finally be as-
similated by a "Be-
nevolent Feudal-
ism," must needs
put far, far into
the future the fulfilment of their
prophecy. The feudalism may be
here, but as yet even the benevolence
dictated by self-interest has shown
only sporadic signs of arrival. If we
remember what feudalism meant, it
was a rough exchange of general per-
secution for the protection afforded
by bondage to the strongest lord. The
vassals did his bidding, fought his
battles, made captives of such
wretches of their own class whom
fate let fall into their hands. The
lord fed, clothed, protected and pro-
vided for them in so far as it was
necessary in order that they might be
in physical condition to work or fight
for his interests.
Is there any real analogy in our
class conditions today? When the
mine or the mill or the factory de-
cides to wage any form of industrial
war. does it consider the necessities
of its own operatives? Never. If a
breath be borne from some New Eng-
land cotton manufacturer that the
time honored custom of coercion re-
auires that "the bottom drop out of
the cotton business," it promptly drops
with worse than the "dull, sickening
thud" of fiction upon their own em-
ployees first. From Massachusetts
to Mississippi a dejected stream of
"hands" trickles slowly home in an
idleness infinitely pathetic, because no
provision has been, nor ever could
have been, made for it. As the dreary
days drag by, heart-racking want
deepens to starvation. Aid from the
public — the public that is taxed and
bullied for the benefit of these manu-
facturers, alone comes to the rescue
of their "hands."
Wherever in history have slaves
fared worse? These pitiful "hands"
grope blindly for succor and find it
not. They have been imported by
the shipload (under steerage condi-
tions viler than those any ancient
slaver ever tolerated), from suffering
Europe ; or they have been drawn
from our mountain wilds and isolated
fields, solely for the aggrandizement
of the mills which give more care to
the cheap remnants of their looms
than to the stunned operatives they
turn adrift, in order to gain some
point in financial strategy.
Why, the panic last winter solved
their labor problem beautifully. They
found, poor "Captains of Industry,"
that their hands had actually begun
to demand some share in what they
were told was the general prosperity.
Men thought they themselves ought
to earn enough to Tceep their tiny
children out of the mill. This was
outrageous, of course, and the panic
was a direct dispensation of Provi-
dence. The hands grovelled and be-
came grateful for reduced wages. It
was found that half the original force,
TO A WILD FLOWER
473
scared by the fear of losing their
jobs, did all the work the entire num-
ber had done. Like tired horses,
lashed to still further exertion, they
put forth the last particle of energy
they had. The mill piled up products,
at greatly reduced expenses, and the
peace of the uttermost servility per-
vaded the office of the "Captain."
When the mill wants to play upon
the producer of raw material, the
same tactics prevail. What does the
sum of human woe matter if they
can pay a few cents less for what
they need and charge a few cents
more for what they make? If agi-
tation is to be silenced, if labor is to
be disciplined, if the public is to be
robbed, if legislation is to be coerced,
if an election is to be brought about,
the mill shuts doivn. In every in-
stance, its own employees bear the
brunt of the misery the employing
classes deliberately inflict.
"Benevolent feudalism" is a dream
of luxury compared to the conditions
of horrible serfdom which really pre-
vail, so long as our laboring classes
are exploited as slaves, without the
slaves' bare right to be fed from the
master's hand.
TO A WILD FLOWER
O little creature of the Wilding brood,
Thou blossom-sparrow — frailest life of Bloom —
Thy fall is marked of His dear Fatherhood
As sure as Star-world crashing to its doom.
— Ada A. Mosher.
HOW BRYAN SCOOPED THE INDEPENDENT
Or "The Story of a Suppressed Populist Newspaper"
By THOMAS H TIBBLES
(Reprinted from Tom Watson's Magazine June, 1905)
T one time there
were fifteen hun-
dred weekly papers
advocating the prin-
ciples of the Omaha
platform. Some of
them had large
plants, some only a few cases of type
and a Washington press, but all were
actuated by one purpose — to make
conditions easier for those who toiled
on farms, in shops, factories, mines
and mills. Among those still fighting
up to the first of April of this year
was the Nebraska Independent. Many
such papers were crushed by various
devices, chief among which was that
the great advertisers of the land, all
being allied with Wall Street, refused
to give them any business. Numerous
instances could be cited where Popu-
list papers were refused advertise-
ments given to plutocratic papers not
having one-tenth the circulation and
paid for at a higher rate than the
proprietors of the Populist papers
would have taken. In the files of
the Nebraska Independent may be
found scores of letters from adver-
tising agents, who had been solicited
for business, saying: "If you will
make your paper an exclusively agri-
cultural journal, we will be glad to
give you a good line of business, but
we cannot patronize it as long as it ad-
vocates Populism." Every reform
editor has had the same experience.
Thirteen years ago the agricultural
papers everywhere were publishing
articles defending Populist principles.
Then all at once such articles were
seen in their pages no more, and im-
mediately the papers were flooded
with high-priced advertising. The
religious press was caught in the
same trap. It is strange that the de-
vout readers of those papers never
once had their suspicions aroused
when they saw so many display ad-
vertisements of trusts, banks and pro-
motion schemes in their modest little
religious journals. Notwithstanding
all such schemes, the Nebraska In-
dependent lived and its circulation
gradually extended into every state
and territory. It became evident that
to get rid of it other tactics would
have to be employed. To destroy the
paper was not the objective. It was
to destroy the People's Party. With
the Independent in hostile hands the
political fortifications built up by it
in Nebraska and other states would
be deserted and the Bryan, Belmont,
Sheehan and Tom Taggart Demo-
HOW BRYAN SCOOPED THE INDEPENDENT
475
cratic Party would walk in and take
possession.
The main battle was fought in the
Populist state convention August 10,
1904. The proposition to force a fu-
sion with the Democrats, under the
head of the most disreputable end of
Wall Street, on the face of it was
most absurd. But the doing of ab-
surd things never ruffles the placid
countenance of Mr. Bryan. The idea
that there could be any real opposi-
tion to his imperial will in Nebraska,
aside from the Republican Party,
never seemed to enter his mind.
Heretofore when Mr. Bryan entered
a Democratic or Populist convention,
the fusion Populists and Democrats
bowed and worshiped. The only thing
that convention had to do was to find
out what Mr. Bryan wished and then
proceed to do it with all possible
haste. It became evident that this
convention would have to be handled
differently, Mr. Bryan all the winter,
spring and summer had been de-
nouncing Judge Parker as a "dishon-
est candidate, running on a dishonest
platform," and then he had come
home from St. Louis, sat down at his
desk and the first words that he
wrote were : "I shall vote for Par-
ker and Davis." The Populists re-
membered how for eight years he
had been coming to their conventions,
and in his sweet and winning way -fell-
ing them how noble they were to' put
principle above party and vote for -
men of another party if they thought
they could advance reform by so do-
ing. Many of them, who had always
supported Mr. Bryan since he first
appeared on the battlefields of poli-
tics, thought that the time had coriie
wheti he should practice what he
preached. Mr. Bryan realized that
there was trouble ahead, but it was
thought that if the Nebraska Inde-
pendent would support the Bryan plan
that a fusion legislature could be
elected that would send Mr. Bryan to
the United States Senate.
The editor of the Independent was
obstreperous. He had had enough of
fusion with a party half of which was
more disreputably plutocratic than the
Republican Party, and whose "irre-
vocable" rules were so rigid that they
required a man, upon a vote of a con-
vention, to come out boldly before the
people and advocate a poHcy he had
denounced by pen and voice for eight
years. All sorts of schemes were de-
vised to bring this obstreperous edi-
tor into subjection to the imperial will
of Mr. Bryan. The first was to send
all the leading men of the state, from
the Chief Justice down, to use per-
suasion. That failed. Then Mr.
Bryan's personal daily organ in the
state tried a new deal. It poured out
on Mr. Tibbies the most fulsome flat-
tery day after day. It said that if he
would only say "fusion" every Popu-
list in the state would obey his com-
mand. When all that failed Mr.
Bryan came himself. The proposi-
tion that he made was that a fusion
electoral ticket be put in the field
composed of four Populists and four
Democrats, Mr. Bryan saying that,
"in the event of their election, each
party could count the full vote as its
own." The proposition was instantly
rejected. Others followed. Mr.
Br\'an tame to the Independent edi-
torial room four different times, using
all his eloquence and persuasive pow-
ers to get the editor to consent to and
advocate a fusion with a party that
had nominated Parker, and whose
csnnpaign was put into the hands of
the most disreputable gang that ever
sought Wall Street favor.
;Mr. Bryan gave orders that every-
thing visible, clear to the political
horizon, and other things invisible ly-
ing behind the floating clouds, should
476
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
be offered to the Populist convention
providing that the Popuhsts would
luse. The battle was fought out on
the convention floor. Many Demo-
crats had secured seats as delegates.
One Democrat came over from his
own convention and answered to the
call of 'J hurston County in the Pop-
ulist convention which had no dele-
gates present and voted the fifteen
votes that county was entitled to ev-
ery time for fusion. Out of the hell-
broth brewed in that all-night session
there floated upon the fusion scum
Bryan, Belmont, Sheehan, Tom Tag-
gart and, remember this last name,
George W. Berge.
Nearly the whole State ticket was
given to the Populists — only three
unimportant offices being conceded to
the Democrats, and Berge — George
' Washington Berge — captured the
prize infamy, the fusion nomination
for Governor. Bryan would allow no
other name to be mentioned in the
Democratic convention, although
there were two or three Democrats
there who had spent time and much
money during the previous years
fighting Bryan's battles for him, and
who had expressed a desire to receive
a complimentary vote for that office.
When Bryan speaks the Nebraska
Democrat turns pale.
The Independent was still a thorn
in the side of these fusionists. The
editor openly declared that he never
would vote for or support a Belmont-
Bryan- Parker Democrat. Then it was
that fusion itch for office and Bryan
diplomacy joined forces to destroy
the Independent. The plutocratic Re-
publican attacks upon it had been of
no avail, and week after week it had
proclaimed the doctrines of the Peo-
ple's Party for years. In an open
fight against awful odds it had fought
battle after battle, sometimes victo-
rious and sometimes defeated, but it
fought on. It took fusion treason, it
took the work of men who constantly
proclaimed themselves Populists, who
msisted upon attending Populist con-
ventions while their sole aim was to
destroy the People's Party, to do what
all the hosts of plutocracy had failed
to do.
As soon as the vote for fusion had
been announced in the convention as
prevailing, more than half the dele-
gates present — whole counties had
been voted for fusion when only one
or two delegates were in the city —
rose and left. The next morning
they hired a hall and discussed the
proposition of putting a straight Pop-
ulist ticket in the field, but when it
was remembered that the fusionists
had the legal organization and the
ticket would have to go on the ballot
under some other name than People's
Party the project was abandoned.
The result was that 20,000 Populists
voted the Republican ticket, 30,000,
stayed at home and refused to vote,
and a little over 20,000 voted the
Populist national ticket. The Senate
of the Nebraska Legislature was sol-
idly Republican; the House had only
nine fusionists in it. Mr. Bryan saw
to it that they all cast their votes for
a straight Democrat for United States
Senator. All that was necessary to
get the fusionists to do that, both
those who called themselves Demo-
crats and those who called themselves
Populists, was for them to imagine
that they heard a far-off rumble that
sounded like the voice of Bryan say-
ing : "Vote for a Democrat."
When the conventions were over
and the campaign committees appoint-
ed, the fusionists found that it was a
difficult thing to make a campaign in
Nebraska. Something must be done
to get the Independent to fight the
battle for them, but the Independent
still declared that it would not sup-
HOW BRYAN SCOOPED THE INDEPENDENT
477
port a Parker Democrat. Then, sad
to relate, the editor of the Independ-
ent got taken in himself.
The Chairman of the Democratic
State Committee, a brother-in-law to
Bryan, came to Mr. Tibbies declaring
that he represented Mr. Bryan and
was speaking in Bryan's name, and
made the following proposition :
\i Mr. Tibbies would spend most of
his time out of the state during the
campaign, and let the Independent
support the fusion ticket, all of whose
nominees except three were Popu-
lists, Mr. Bryan on his part would
agree to go to Arizona or Colorado
and get sick. He would continue to
keep sick until the close of the cam-
paign— so sick that he would not be
able to make any campaign speeches
at all. An exception was made in re-
gard to Indiana. It was said that Mr.
Bryan had promised to make three
speeches in Indiana in support of his
old personal friend who was running
for Governor of the State, but it was
further stipulated that these three
speeches should not be political
speeches, but repetitions of Mr. Bry-
an's lecture on "Ideals."
Mr. Bryan went to Arizona and
sent home a letter saying that he was
worse and would not be able to deliv-
er any political speeches during the
campaign. The letter was printed in
the Lincoln daily papers and was
shown to Mr. Tibbies as proof that
Mr. Bryan was keeping his contract.
The chairman of the Democratic
State Committee went to New York,
saw Parker, Sheehan, Belmont, Tom
Taggart and the rest of the band of
financial and political pirates. He
came home with money for campaign
expenses. Then Mr. Bryan hired a
special train and started out speech-
making in Nebraska and in other
states. The surprising rapidity with
which his lung healed has never been
equalled in all the history of medicine.
But when the votes were counted it
was learned that wherever Mr. Bryan
spoke, whether from the rear end of
his car, on a platform by the railway
side, or in theatre or hall, a tidal wave
of Republican votes followed him, al-
though he pleaded with his Democrat-
ic hearers to be "regular." Hundreds
of thousands of Democrats listened
to this man, who for. eight years had
been denouncing Wall Street and all
its ways, and was now consorting
with the most disreputable part of
Wall Street, urging them to vote to
keep it in power. Humiliated, sad at
heart, their idol carrying the banner
of the enemy, in the enemy's ranks,
they turned their backs in scorn upon
Mr. Bryan, went to the polls and vot-
ed the Republican ticket. If they
were to have Wall Street and plu-
tocracy, they wanted the old, genuine
article, not "something just as good."
The fusionists declared that wherever
Watson or Tibbies spoke they made
votes for Roosevelt. They did not
make one Roosevelt vote where Bryan
made a thousand.
Mr. Berge — George Washington
Berge — received a large vote for
Governor. This was because Mickey,
the Republican, who was running for
re-election, was cordially hated by the
whole Republican Party. Thirty
thousand Republicans voted for
Berge, and then he was defeated.
But Berge is a fusionist. He wants
office, and especially the office of Gov-
ernor of Nebraska.
It seemed necessary, if Mr. Bryan
was to prove his undying love for the
Democratic Party, to convince all
Eastern Democrats that he would for-
ever prove "regular" no matter who
was nominated or what the platform
was, and it seemed to the fusionists,
if they were to have any of the spoils
of victory when the national Govern
478
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
ment was captured, that the People's
Party must be destroyed. It must
never hold another state or national
convention. They all agreed that the
Party had done a wonderful work for
the nation, that its principles were
being everywhere adopted, but it
must be crucified, officially pronounc-
ed dead and buried, and the first step
toward that object was the destruc-
tion of the Nebraska Independent.
Mr. Berge is a lawyer. He never
has had a day's experience in a news-
paper office. He announced that he
would start a paper in Lincoln in op-
position to the Independent. Then a
proposition was made to the proprie-
tor of the Independent to sell out. A
very large price was offered. When
the proprietor faced these facts, he
began to get discouraged. He had
grown up in Lincoln. He had asso-
ciated with these fusionists for years.
The fight which he saw in the near
future with these men was an un-
pleasant thing to contemplate. The
cost of running a great newspaper
plant is large. When it was known
that the home advertising would in
part be lost, and also a large share of
the job work, the moment the editor
defied Bryan and the fusionists, the
outlook was gloomy. To those whom
the Independent had always fought in
the city and state were to be added
hundreds of others who had passed
as friends. And the proprietor be-
came discouraged.
It is somewhat discouraging to go
to a convention ostensibly composed
of men of your own party and see the
most active members of it engaged in
a scheme to destroy your party. These
have been the conditions in every
Populist convention in the State of
Nebraska since 1890. The only thing
that prevented the party from being
destroyed sooner was the Nebraska
Independent. The fusionists became
more and more convinced of that tact,
and the scheme was invented to pub-
lish a paper in opposition in the same
city, which, while claiming to be
Populistic, would work for the de-
struction of the party. Credit for
the invention belongs to George
Washington Berge. The hope was
entertained that when the People's
Party was destroyed all the Populists
would go into the Democratic Party
and George Washington Berge would
be Governor and W. J. Bryan United
States Senator.
The proprietor of the Independent
was bound in the contract transferr-
ing to George Washington Berge, the
title to the paper, not to engage in the
business of publishing a reform paper
for five years, but the fusionists
found that it would be impossible to
put any shackles on tlie editor. He
intends to fight on. Just as all the
world is beginning to accept Popu-
list principles he does not propose to
sheathe his sword and stand by, a
passive spectator. The greatest bat-
tle of the age is to be fought. He "is
going up against" that crowd again.
The columns of the Independent
have been an open forum for any man
who thought he had something that
would benefit humanity. In the col-
umns of the paper l:e could always
voice his sentiment.">. Besides that, it
has been a journal of economics, so-
ciology, philosophy, ethics, finance,
single tax, land, Govt rnment and all
the decent news. Now it has gone
into the hands of an ordinary West-
ern lawyer who never read a stand-
ard work of authority on any one of
these subjects. It is to be a personal
organ after the fashion of the one
that W. J. Bryan publishes in the
same town. W. J. Bryan is the most
accomplished orator of the day. He
has personal acquaintances in every
state and territory. Millions have
HOW BRYAN SCOOPED THE IXDEPENDEXT
479
met and shaken hands with him.
Geo. W. Berge has some acquaint-
ances outside of Lancaster County,
and besides that, Berge is a PopuHst
engaged in destroying the Popuhst
Party. These are his elements of suc-
cess.
The PopuHsts of the different states
and territories who have been readers
of the Independent will in the near
future have a place to express their
views and read discussions of the
great problems that are pressing for
solution. We will be heard. For
years not a great daily would print a
line in defense of the fundamental
principles of Populism. Now maga-
zines are making fortunes for their
proprietors who have admitted some
of these principles to their pages.
Some of these magazines have a
greater circulation than was ever
known before anvwhere in the world
for n.onthly periodical literature. The
People's Party is not dead. The Ne-
braska Indcpendetit will rise from its
ashes stronger and better than ever
before! The vilest, rottenest, worst
smelling spot in all the preserves of
plutocracy is that place where the fu-
sionist roams, seeking to destroy the
organization that gave him the only
opportunities of life.
*****
(The Independent did not rise from
its ashes. On the contrary, Mr. Berge
rose up, with all the wrath of a man
who has been soft soaped and gold
bricked, and sued other Christians for
damages. We don't hear that he has
yet cashed in on his law-suit, but Bro.
Thomas H. Tibbies is now a strong
Bryan man, and is camping on the
spot which he declared smelt so badly
— to wit, the spot "where the fusion-
ist roams.")
480
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
MY MISSION
A piece of clay to mold and shape
Is given unto me ;
(I am the Potter's instrument,)
What shall the vessel be ?
So soft and pliable it lies,
So passive and so still ;
Responsive to my every touch,
I mold it as I vfill.
And yet, potentially, it holds
Far more than I can say ;
The strength and power of giant forms
Are in this piece of clay.
I tremble as I take the gift,
This pleasurable care ;
For hidden deep, somewhere there lies
The Potter's image, fair !
.He bids me labor to reveal
The wondrous power and might
Of treasures hid in earthen clay,
To show what God is like.
And so each day I work and pray
And grow impatient, maybe ;
For, O, dear Lord, I long to see
Thine image in my baby !
— Luella Knott
Tallahassee, Fla.
^
ZORA FAIR
By FRANCIS MARIA SCOTT
ESTLING in the
verdure-clad hills of
Middle Georgia is
the pretty little vil-
lage of Oxford,
well known because
Emory College has
been there since
1837, On this particular afternoon
the college boys are out in larger
numbers than usual, and they do not
seem to be under the ordinary re-
straint; there is evidently a subdued
excitement, in which boys and men,
girls and women, share alike, and
only occasionally, does a boy speak in
a loud tone, when some one will say:
"Hush, it is no time for excite-
ment," as though some great peril
were imminent; and another rejoins,
"Even you boys must be men, in
defense of your mothers and sisters,"
whereupon the boys clinch their fists,
and their young eyes flash the fire of
suppressed emotion and excitement.
What is this? It is '61. Though
all things in the life of every South-
ern man should fall, this date is in-
efifaceably written upon the tablet of
his memory, because traced with the
marred, but beloved finger dipped in
life blood!
The village retains its name; the
great old oaks shade the same houses,
provide the same Nature's corridors
for the street passengers ; yea, the
same village, but where are the col-
lege boys, who paraded the streets in
the glory of their pride, casting
sheep's eyes at the pretty maidens.
and later, burning with patriotism and
eagerness for the fray? They have
gone to the lighting line, in the de-
fense of their South — country, for
the protection of their homes, and to
save their mothers, sisters, and sweet-
hearts.
Sad, unfamiliar faces stand in the
doorways, peer through the windows ;
or try, in some way, to adjust them-
selves to their new surroundings.
War, because so rife with death, is a
mighty leveler, and there is a strange
dearth of scornful looks, and absence
of "respect of persons," in the inhab-
itants of this village of Oxford ; for
a common peril threatens their lives ;
and, there is no distinction going be-
fore, or following in, the wake of
death.
These strange faces that you see
are those who have taken refuge from
battle-infested localities, in the quiet
of the hills, under the shade of the
trees — but, alas, their retreat is be-
thought and their churches are con-
verted into hospitals, a fitting place
indeed, because the words of the
Master teach works for the Master.
College and campus, generally
guarded so jealously from intruders,
now throng with doctors, soldiers, and
volunteer nurses, both men and wo-
men, who are caring for the wounded,
sick, and dying. The campus grave-
yard is getting its share of expansion,
and many there are who are taking
their last sleep under the shade of the
campus trees.
A dash of calvarymen, in blue,
coarse and exultant, is not infrequent.
482
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAX MAGAZINE
raiding the quiet village, and the ref-
ugees make preparation to move to
another point, when some spokesman
suggests to them that "one place is
about as good as another now, Sher-
man is going to spread himself over
the whole country if he can hold his
army." About that time some infan-
try, in grey, will come into the town^
and the refugees get so busy feeding,
and trying to clothe them, that they
forget the danger for the time, in
their sympathetic deeds.
Self-preservation is the first law of
Nature, and self-entertainment is, I
think, the second law of Nature; for,
despite imminent peril, disaster, yea,
in the face of death, man will enter-
tain himself, and so, after feeling this
common danger, intermingling in this
common work, and being in this ter-
rible strain for weeks, months, years,
these human beings began to feel the
need of relaxation, and some of the
more sanguine and lighter-hearted
suggested an opera. A callous fellow
said :
'•Call it The Swan Song,' " but this
did not commend itself to the valiant,
when another said,
" 'The War Song,' it shall be."
And so, between times of nursing
and burying, the new population of
Oxford busied itself rehearsing for
the melo-drama, and became interest-
ed in the coming entertainment. It
was even suggested by a venturesome,
material fellow that refreshments be
served, but another facetiously said
that hoe-cake and potato coffee would
not be a desirable menu, and the
good women decided that even this
would be taking food from the sol-
diers' mouths.
There were no dress suits or "crea-
tions" upon this occasion, as the men,
who were well or convalescent, pre-
pared for their parts as actor or au-
dience, by a bath, shave, hair-cut and
comb, and a dusting of old suits, or
bespattered uniforms; or a donning
of the paper suit for the stage. The
women washed out their homespun
dresses, if actresses, or appeared in
some ante-bellum thing as a specimen
of "faded gentility," if audience.
However, there were beautiful wom-
en, and brave men, yea, and brave
women too, in that assembly. You
can imagine the putting away of caste
when I tell you that even the colony
of Charlestonians refugeed there par-
ticipated in the drama, given at Ox-
ford, in defiance of Sherman and his
ruthless men.
Among the colonists was a South
Carolina gentleman, of the old school,
J\Ir. ■ Fair, whose daughter
was named Zora, and she was fair by
nature as well as name. Zora was
slight, above medium in height, clear-
cut features, auburn hair, eyes of lu-
minous brown, sweet-mouthed, a
patrician in face and form, a soulful
face ; but so far, her filial aflfection,
and her loyalty to the Confederacy,
were the only spirits that influenced
and impelled her; so, Zora Fair, be-
cause of her beauty and voice, was
the heroine of "The War Song."
Air. Fair did not attend the enter-
tainment because of any levity of
heart he felt, or even because he
wanted to parade the beauty of his
daughter, but he came from a sense
of duty, deeming that all there need-
ed fellowship because they were fel-
low-sufiferers, and then he hoped to
hear something upon which he could
act, either for his country or for him-
self.
The climax was reached ! Zora's
voice rang out clear and sweet, carol-
ing the triumph of the Confederacy;
her beauty was intensified, her soul
was in the song ; the audience was
spell-bound, and expressed itself ac-
cording to its culture, some by deep,
ZORA FAIR
483
quiet interest, others by clapping of
hands, and one "cracker" by jumping
upon his chair, and hallooing "Hur-
rah; Hurrah for Jeff Davis and the
Confederacy" ; and the curtain went
down.
Tears of emotion rained down Zo-
ra's cheeks, and she sank into a chair,
and into thought. This study absorb-
ed her, and no one spoke to her, but
one by one the actors and actresses
left the stage and gathered in an
ante-room in the rear. After a long
time Zora joined them, as the jocular
soldier was just saying:
"There is but one thing I would
rather do than hear Miss Zora sing."
"One guess will get that," replied a
fellow-convalescent.
"Yes, we are about one hundred
thousand now, with a single thought,
that is, the demolition of the Federal
forces," continued Mr. Fair, in order
to draw them out.
"Say, what do you . suppose that
Sherman is going to do next?" in-
quired a citizen of the Confederacy,
who had personated the spy, in the
opera.
The conversation that Mr. Fair an-
ticipated at last began, and he listened
eagerly :
"Only his strongest ally, 'His Sa-
tanic ]\Iajesty' can tell," declared an-
other.
"Why. I know what he'll do. He'll
execute his long cherished plan of
cutting his way through homes and
hearts from Atlanta to the Atlantic,"
said another rebel.
"Yes, for his washes are his right
of way," acquiesced a third strategist.
"He may follow Hood, or he may
come upon us."
"I believe he w^anted Hood to go to
Tennessee, and I do not think he has
any idea of following him. I un-
derstand he was heard to say that he
would give Hood the rations to go to
Tennessee with, if he would go. Now,
1 am sure he will take up his March
of Death to the sea," said the positive
fellow.
"As the unexpected has not failed
to happen in this war, the only thing
I know of to be done is to go and
ask him," said another with charac-
teristic soldier-levity.
"One volunteer at a time, please,
so that I can get the names," laughed
Mr. Jocularity ; but, without a smile
came these words from the sweet
mouth of Zora Fair,
"I will go and ask him."
This girl was too pretty, sweet and
womanly, to be jeered, but they knew
she could only be jesting, and one of
them said,
"Fll wager you odds, Miss Zora,
you would not ask him, if you should
beard the lion in his den."
"Certainly not, if he roared once.
Ask Mr. Johnston how he can roar,"
suggested another.
"I do not think Gen. Johnston is
afraid of General Sherman," retorted
Miss Fair, with true womanly de-
fense.
Mr. Fair was busy with his own
thoughts, and, for the time, forgot
his momentary fear at the words of
his daughter.
Presently they attuned their voices
to the dear old air of "Home, Sweet
Home," after which they dispersed to
their homes in cottages, mansions,
churches, hospitals, college, or cam-
pus tents, and slept as though Sher-
man and Grant did not exist.
:•: * ^: ;i: *
The turn of midnight of October
16, 1864, brought on a cold, drizzling
rain, in which a lone negro woman
wended her way in a northwesterly
direction along the railroad track of
the Georgia Railway. She was, ap-
parently, bent upon some mission that
required haste, for she walked rapid-
484
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
ly. She did not seem to be utterly de-
void of fear; for, sometimes, she
would cast furtive glances on one
side or the other of the right of way
of the road-bed. Faithful, or faith-
less creature, we do not know, but in
tlrese days of war, waste, and distress,
strange things are the order of the
day and night, and you may be the
servant of your mistress, in the fulfil-
ment of a momentous mission; or,
you may be a run-away from her to
whom you have a thousand times vol-
unteered a profession of loyalty and
allegiance. She continues her course
in the darkness of that dreary night,
which has become gross in its gloom,
and may almost be felt in its density,
until the lonely wayfarer is evidently
afraid of going through a trestle or
down an embankment, for she crawls
along on the cross-ties, when, sud-
denly she stops, feeling a presence.
She almost ceases to breathe, but it
is too late, the picket has seen her
and exclaims,
"What the devil is this — man or
bea&t?"
The negress can not see whether
the uniform is blue or grey, and so
she adroitly asks :
"Law, honey, it haint nobody but
me, ol' Dinah, an' I axes yo' ter fer-
gib me fer disruptin' your somnambu-
lations, but — who is you honey — is yo'
a soldier too?"
"I am only a soldier one, Mrs. Di-
nah," ("Ah," thought Dinah, "if he
had been Southern, he would have
said 'Auntie' ") "and to my sorrow be
it said, for if I were two, one of me
would cat while the other starves, one
of me would sleep while the other
pickets, one of me would die while
the other serves Gen. Sherman ; but,
Mrs. Dinah, what are you doing here
in this h — of a night, when a Yank
can't see a Reb in the dark, and he
can cut the blackness with his sword
— if he had one. What is it ?"
"Ise glad to hear you call de big
General's name, case its him Isc
seekin' to free me from de chains ob
slavery, but I hope you won't tell no-
body where Ise gwine?"
"I will not, Mrs. Dinah," and the
burly soldier laughed outright, "for I
guess I'd crawl on my hands and
knees in a dark night if I'd been a
slave for sixty or seventy years. I
won't tell, but old woman, you had
better go in that tent and sleep until
morning, and then pursue your pil-
grimage to Mr. Mecca Sherman, be-
cause further up the road the bridge
has been burned, and no mere human
can CKOSs that foot-path of timber
from pier to pier, in this devilish
dark."
"Honey, does you know dat dis
dark is not evil, but good, and while
I tank you fer your kin' ministration
to shelter my ol' head from de rain,
I'll trabel on my journey to Free-
dom's Lan', de Ian o' joy an' luv' —
and truss dat you will be fergib — 1
mean — blest. Good night, son."
And the old negress trembled with
intense fear lest the soldier should
compel her to rest under his tent, and
yet she feared to betray undue haste
to put distance between her and him.
Just as the greyest of grey dawns
in changing from black to leaden the
Eastern horizon, the old negress
thinks she can see the place where
there was once a bridge over a river.
She can not tell through the semi-
darkness whether she will be able to
cross or not, and immediately begins
mentally to improvise something that
will float. She reaches a place where
once a bridge began to span the Yel-
low River; and, alas, there is no
shadow of hope for her crossing. She
sits upon the remains of the approach
and looks down at the darksome wa-
ZORA FAIR
485
ter, and looking up notes that the clay
is rapidly breaking. She must cross.
Will she try to swim? She is not a
good swimmer. She is unused to
prayer, but prays for a successful
gaining of the nether shore, and
commences the hazardous descent.
She is one hundred feet above the
■water, and must descend twenty feet
before she reaches the foot-path of
timber, improvised by the soldiers. It
is perilous, in the extreme, and must
be accomplished by the utmost care.
Again and again, she has to close her
eyes against the sight of the water
eighty feet below, but has to nerve
herself to stand erect, and jump from
timber to timber where they do not
come together between the piers.
Slowly, tortuously, alternately fearing
and praying, the negress makes the
phenomenal crossing of Yellow River
on rude bridge timber, crudely placed
on piers, with interstices.
What is the motive that impels this
heroic deed? It must be love, for this
is the mightiest motive that impels
the human creature, and for love of
what? We will see; but, we must let
the negro woman pursue her danger-
ous journey unattended, even by our
thoughts, for we must return to the
home of Zora Fair; where w^e meet
her father coming out at the door on
the second morning after the enter-
tainment.
"Have you seen my daughter, Zo-
ra?" said the bewildered father of
the young girl, who a few nights be-
fore had united her sweet voice with
the voices of the soldiers as they sang,
*'Home, Sweet Home."
"You still have no news of her?"
And the story spread like wild-fire
that Zora Fair had fled from her
home, for what reason nobody was
sure, save her father, who remember-
ed the light that kindled her eye, as
she said.
"I will go and ask him."
One of the soldiers who had been
housed in the church, and ministered
to by Zora, took it upon himself to
try to comfort her father, and while
he missed the beautiful girl, and
sometimes feared for her safety; yet,
he believed she had gone to hear with
her own ears, Sherman's plans, and
somehow so trusted her that, despite
the danger of the mission, thought
she would succeed. Again, he and
her father would talk together, and
become so exasperated that they
would resolve to follow and bring
her back ; but, — "Where shall we go ?"
The "old South!" How shocked it
was by her disappearance, and how it
conjectured concerning the cause.
One ventured to suggest that she had
fled with a Federal officer, but the
young soldier heard this and made it
so uncomfortable for the suggester
that he was glad to retract and smooth
things over.
On the morning of October 31,
1864, the young soldier had persuad-
ed Mr. Fair to try to break his long
fast by partaking of the frugal meal
offorded them ; but, after repeated ef-
forts the old man proved his inability
to eat, and sat back, dejected in his
chair. After a few moments' silence,
he cried out in his despair :
"Oh, my darling child ! You may
even now, be the prey of a brutal
mercenary," and he could not bear
the thought, but rose to his feet, and
—hark ! ^
"Pappy!"
"W'hat was that?"
"Pappy!"
"My child's voice to lure me to
hope — "
"No, no. Pappy, I'm here, safe and
But the old man had bounded to
her room, and laid his head upon her
breast ; and, in his excitement the
486
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
young soldier followed, wanting the
evidence of his eyes that Zora was
there.
"Pappy, do not you know that I
would not leave you except for your
sake ?''
■'Do not leave me again for any-
body's sake, Zora, will you?"
"No, Pappy, I will not." Where-
upon the young soldier gazed out of
the window down the street, as
though something interested him
there.
When Zora was sufficiently rested
and had slept, she told her story in
her own sweet way to "Pappy" and
her friends, and this is what the lit-
tle heroine said :
"When the soldiers said they did
not know w^hether Gen. Sherman
would go to Tennessee after Gen.
Hood, or march to the sea through
Georgia, I determined to find out
from him what he intended to do, and
so I disguised myself to look as much
as possible like Aunt Dinah," — at
which Aunt Dinah ejaculated:
"Lis'n to dat blessed chile."
" — got some walnut stain, tied my
head up in a bandana, put on Aunt
Dinah's sunbonnet and dress, all of
which was fun, but. Oh, how fright-
ened I was when I got off in the
woods alone ; and, I want to tell you
all, my friends — you say that it was
a deed of heroism — I do not look at
it that way — but if it was, I have
been rewarded, for I learned in that
perilous journey to do more than 'say'
my prayers — I learned to pray. This
is the reflex blessing, and who can
say that the One to whom I prayed
did not give me strength to brave the
darkness ; did not deliver me from
the soldiers ; did not keep my foot
from falling as I passed over the dark
waters ; did not deliver me from the
enemy's hand? Yes, I believe that
General Lee's God is One to be trust-
ed, and I am glad of the iiiission that
has led me to trust Him."
H there was a dry eye in that as-
sembly as she ceased speaking, I do
not know it — but some of the men,
willing to change the subject, in-
quired :
''Did you see Sherman?"
"Yes, I served him at table. By
telling the same story in substance, all
along the way, I think they permitted
me to go into his presence, more as
a jest than anything else, because they
knew that every phase of negro life
was interesting to him, and when I
found myself before him, I told him
that I loved freedom better than my
life ; that I had not turned against
my people, but that I longed for free-
dom, and that I would follow where
freedom led, and that I had come to
him for protection.
He replied that all of the negroes
would soon be freed, and would be
protected too.
* "]\Iass Sharman, kin I march wid
yo' when yo' marches?"
"We would be glad to have your
valuable escort, Mrs. Dinah, but it is
impossible as women are not allowed
in the army, and even so, you are too
old to stand the hardships."
"I buried my face in my hands in
the deepest dejection, and he said,"
" " ']\Take youreslf useful around
the house until we get out of it to
burn it, and you may go with us until
you reach your home in Georgia, and
there you may live and die ; but mark
you, be loyal and faithful, telling no
tales." '
" 'You may go zvith us until you reach
your home in Georgia!' thought 'Mrs.
binah' !"
" 'Mrs. Dinah, would you mind tell-
ing me — if you will pardon me — if
you are an Indian, negro, or what na-
tionality you claim, for you are a pe-
culiar color. I have seen many
ZORA FAIR
487
'colors' and races, but am unable to
place you. You're a peculiar color.' "
" 'Law chile, it isen many niggers
what knows dere own degree," (ped-
igree,) " 'an I aint no inception."
"Then they fell to discussing among
themselves, and came to the conclu-
sion that I was a mixture, but that if
I had a drop of blood, even tainted
with negro blood, I was a negro."
The noble exploit of Zora Fair, the
Little Spy, was heralded wherever it
was dared to make it known. Tele-
grams were sent to President Davis,
and to Governor Brown; but, alas, if
they credited the young woman's sto-
ry, there were no Confederate troops
to impede the relentless ride of the
devastating Union army, under the
leadership of a general who tried to
make war what he had named it; and
they had but to clinch their hands as
fathers and husbands were slain, the
rights of mothers, sisters, and daugh-
ters, were desecrated, and homes
were razed to the ground.
Many of the Oxford refugees fled
before the face of the destroyer, but
Zora and her father had no where to
go, or the means to go with, and so
remained.
Early in November, on a beautiful
Autumn day, two Federal soldiers
dashed up to the door of a house in
Oxford that they saw was occupied,
and which was the residence of Col.
Capers, and invited themselves to
supper. A "blue's" invitation at that
period was a command. Inadvertent-
ly, perhaps, it was made known to
Mrs. Capers that they were looking
for a woman spy, when Mrs. Capers
said to the mulatto girl waiting upon
the table.
"Ellen, go and bring some hot bis-
cuits," with a look that Ellen under-
stood. Swiftly she crossed the street,
warned Miss Fair, and returned to
the dining room with the hot bis-
cuits.
Zora Fair fled to the country hills,
taking refuge in a farm house. Her
father successfully concealed himself
on the premises. Their little refuge
home was destroyed by Sherman on
his "March to the Sea." Zora taught
a country school, and after the war,
returned to Charleston. Of the sub-
sequent history of the "Little Spy,"
the writer wishes she knew, but thinks
she is justified in supposing that a
Confederate soldier was no less val-
orous in love than a Confederate
maiden in the accomplishment of her
purpose ; for,
')
Of the bravest, truest, and best.
The Confederate soldier was he.
DR. BEN REITMAN, THE TRAMP REFORMER
By ARNOLD M. ANDERSON
OR a man of but
thirty-one years of
age, Dr. Ben Reit-
man, of the Broth-
erhood Welfare As-
sociation, has per-
haps had as varied
and strenuous a ca-
reer as any person now Hving. The
"King of the Hoboes," as he is often
called, has been the subject of a thou-
sand facetious newspaper write-ups
•within the last year, and only re-
cently was arrested in Chicago for
leading a parade of the unemployed.
Contrary to one's expectation, from
the nature of his experiences, Dr.
Reitman is not an uneducated enthu-
siast, but is a practicing physician of
good standing. He is a graduate of
the American College of Medicine
and Surgery in Chicago; he studied
pathology under the famous Profes-
sor Virchow of Berlin, and was a
student of Professor Metchinkoff,
the distinguished bacterologist of the
Pastuer Institute of Paris. He him-
self is the author of a work on pa-
thology and is a member of the Chi-
cago Medical Society, the Illinois
State Medical Society and the Ameri-
can Medical Association.
As a physician he has built up a
lucrative practice in Chicago, and
this in spite of his frequent absences
in behalf of his work of bettering the
condition of the tramp class. He
taught a year in the college, from
which he was graduated, was a pro-
DR. BEN REITMAN.
fessor in the Chicago College of Den-
tal Surgery and the Chicago Veteri-
nary College, and served for a short
time as a ship's surgeon. At the
time of the earthquake he was a pa-
thologist in an army hospital of San
Francisco.
During his life as a tramp he has
been arrested as an anarchist in
France, was shipwrecked in the At-
DR. BEN REITMAN, THE TRAMP REFORMER
489
lantic, was a lireman on a New York
liner, a revolutionist in Russia, a
tramp in every state in the Union and
a traveler in Europe, Asia, Africa,
and South America.
Reitman was born in St. Paul,
Minnesota, of Jewish parents, but
from infancy Chicago has been his
home. He attended public school un-
til he reached the age of fifteen years
when he took his first hobo trip —
via slow freight to Lima, Ohio. He
was absent on this excursion for two
weeks, but a few months later he was
off again. He speedily became a will-
ing victim of the wanderlust and
took numerous short trips into neigh-
boring states. A year later he be-
came more ambitious and planned a
tour of the world. He beat his way
to New York and without a cent in
his pockets, stowed away in a vessel
bound for Europe. He was discov-
ered and compelled to work for his
passage as a stoker. On this trip he
"bummed" his way through Ireland,
England, several countries of the
continent, the Barbary coast, Egypt,
Arabia, Persia, India and China,
finally arriving in San Francisco. He
soon took other trips and visited Can-
ada, South America and South Afri-
ca.
In 1899 at Odessa, he joined the
Russian revolutionists and was sent
as a secret agent to solicit money for
the cause from the French govern-
ment. This venture resulted in his
arrest as an anarchist and he was
only liberated by proving his Ameri-
can citizenship.
It was while he was in Europe that
he decided to study medicine. At
Liverpool he attended a medical
school for a time and later studied
under the famous professors before
mentioned, on the continent. In 1904
he completed his medical education
at the American College of Medicine
and Surgery in Chicago. Then, af-
ter brief terms of teaching and lec-
turing, he served as a ship's surgeon
on the Mediterranean and returned
to Chicago to practice.
In all, Reitman has beat the Ameri-
can railroads out of the fare for 50,-
000 miles of travel. He has sailed
75,000 miles on the seas and rode
half of that distance free. While
penniless he sailed from Boston to
Liverpool, London to Hamburg, Hull
to Gothenburg, Havre to New York
and New York to Naples. Notwith-
standing his many free rides, he has
spent in the neighborhood of two
thousand dollars in travel fares. In
his wanderings he has traveled by
almost every mode of conveyance in
many different countries. In the ag-
gregate he has covered about 200,-
000 miles of land and sea. On one
particular European trip he subsist-
ed for four months with but seven
dollars in cash.
It is scarcely needful to mention
that Reitman has been in jail. He
has tasted the bread of fifty prisons
and recalls with nausea the fare of
certain jails on the continent, but in
the Orient, strange to note, he was
treated more humanely. He has beg-
ged under a thousand varying condi-
tions ; practiced all sorts of expedi-
ents to gain food and shelter ; lived
by the charity of Bowery missions,
the Salvation Army, London soup
kitchens, almshouses, hospitals, and a
hundred odd institutions, religious
and otherwise. He has palmed him-
self off as a sailor in distress, a sol-
dier of misfortune and in numerous
other guises imposed on the kind-
hearted or charitable-minded the
world over. Bare boards have often
been his only mattress ; many a time
has he found peaceful repose in the
hay stack; frequently has he slept in
the open with only the sky for a cov-
490
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
DR. REITMAN IN THE GUISE OF A TRAMP.
erlet and all manner of severe weath-
er has found him shelterless.
It would seem that such a multi-
plicity of rough experiences during
sixteen years of wandering would
have given him a hard face, a hard
heart, an irresponsible nature and a
broken down physique, but the oppo-
site is the fact. By nature blessed
with a large frame and strong con-
stitution, he has survived his hard
knocks with hardly a trace of ill. His
face is kindly, though sad; his heart
is as tender as a woman's and his
temperament, while melancholy, is
deeply sympathetic. The man is en-
grossed in his cause with the zeal of
a fanatic, yet he is never violent in
his methods. He seeks to bring about
his reforms simjjly by reason and leg-
islation. Rcitman may even be con-
sidered handsome. He has glowing
dark eyes, strong regular features and
a clear complexion. There are no
marks of dissipation on his face and
no lines denoting lustful desires. He
is nervous and speaks hurriedly,
sometimes almost irrelevantly, by rea-
son of the rush of ideas which cla-
mor for utterance at the same time.
But there is no confusion in his aims,
his opinions, his purposes. He ever
sees in his mind the unfortunate con-
dition of the class whose lot he would
alleviate, and with persistence, if not
patience, is ever prosecuting the work
he has adopted for his mission in
life.
It was due to J. Eads Howe, the
millionaire tramp and philanthropist
of St. Louis, founder of the Brother-
hood Welfare Association, that Reit-
man became inspired in his present
work. Though by reason of his per-
sonal experiences as a tramp, he felt
a strong kinship with his brothers of
the road and yearned to do something
toward the amelioration of their con-
dition, yet he had no definite ideas of
procedure up to INIay, 1907. At this
time he was in St. Louis after a ram-
ble in the west and on a Sunday aft-
ernoon happened to drop in at a meet-
ing of the Brotherhood Welfare As-
sociation. The subject under discus-
sion at that gathering of vagabonds
was the vagrancy law. Reitman had
just been released from jail after
serving a sentence for vagrancy and
he arose and made a speech. From
that hour he saw his way clear. Fresh
from an enlightening conference with
Mr. Howe, he returned to Chicago
and at once organized a branch
Brotherhood W^elfare Association in
that city. Howe and Reitman by no
means agree as to details in the re-
form for which they are working —
each is pursuing an individual course
— but, like Count Rumford, both are
endeavoring "to restore hope to the
DR. BEN REITMAN, THE TRAMP REFORMER
491
hopeless and despairing, gently to
compel the vicious, the tramp and the
beggar into habits of industry and
contentment." The creed of the as-
sociation is "a square deal for tramps
and kindness and no red tape."
A better understanding of the sit-
uation may be gleaned from the fol-
lowing statements made by Dr. Reit-
man : "Charitable organizations think
the tramp is a grafter ; tramps regard
the charitable organizations as a
graft; both are wrong.
"The United States and England
are the only two countries in which
vagrancy and begging are unlawful.
In some European countries begging
is licensed by law. In some Oriental
countries begging is a respectable oc-
cupation.
"In America the tramp beggar is
an outcast, a social leper, a being be-
yond the pale. He is despised, mal-
treated, jailed, starved, refused work,
treated as a criminal. I know these
things because I have tramped all
over the world begging my way. I
have a mission in life now. It is to
secure the passage of laws which will
give work in every city and town to
any tramp who seeks it, and which will
pay him fifty cents a day. The ma-
jority of tramps wish to return to a
decent life, but are unable to because
no one will give them work. This
law would give every tramp a chance.
"There are a quarter of a million
tramps in this country. A great prob-
lem confronts us. How shall we
handle it? By abusing the tramp and
hounding him from town to town
with a constant 'move on' policy, or
shall we develop the latent good and
energy in the man?
"When we throw a man into jail
because he will not work let us force
him to work and pay him for his la-
bor, thus teaching him the only lesson
that will ever redeem him.
"Wc are spending millions of dol-
lars in building jails and workhouses
where we force men to work without
compensation. When the vagrant is
released from custody he is just as
liable to arrest for vagrancy as he
was when he was first arrested. What
kind of a system of correction is this
which cannot possibly correct? Rath-
er it encourages dishonesty and ir-
responsibility. Instead of putting so
many millions into jails, why not
spend a part of the money in a man-
ner which will give the released pris-
oner a chance for regeneration ?"
The aim of the Brotherhood Wel-
fare Association, which is as yet,
more of a name than an organiza-
tion, is to help the vagabond reform
by making it possible for him to get
clean clothes; get a job, and to dis-
courage the tramp evil by wise and
sane legislation. The reformatory
measures advocated are :
1. That institutions be founded
which will provide for persons need-
ing temporary assistance.
2. That the existing vagrancy
laws be radically revised.
3. That the railroads be forced
to prevent tramps beating their way
on the trains.
The first of these measures needs
no explanation. The second is set
forth in a bill, drawn up by Dr. Reit-
man and Charles W. Espey, of Chi-
cago, which proposes as an amend-
ment to the vagrancy acts that all va-
grants arrested shall be compelled to
hard labor and receive a payment of
fifty cents a day for such labor; that
upon the release of the prisoner, a
part of the money thus earned to his
credit be expended for him for clean
and decent clothing, if it is needed,
or for the purchase of transportation
to another place, if the prisoner so
desires ; that in case any tramp has
been previously arrested for vagran-
492
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
cy, he shall receive only forty cents a
day for his labor; that in case it is
learned that he has a family, the sum
of two dollars a week be deducted
from his credit and forwarded to his
family. Whatever the defects of the
proposed amendment, it will be seen
that it embodies the essence of good
toward the reform intended.
Too often the existing vagrancy
laws scent of outright graft. In
thousands of places the justice of the
peace or police judge receives a stated
fee for every case he tries; the con-
stable a similar fee for every arrest
he makes and a third party has the
privilege of feeding prisoners at the
rate of from fifty to seventy-five
cents a day. The community must
pay these charges and in return the
only benefit received is the labor of
the prisoner. No one is benefited ex-
cept the petty officials, and the ten-
dency is not to correct the tramp evil.
On the other hand if the tramp, upon
his release from jail, were able to
appear clean and respectable, the
chance of his securing a job would
be bettered.
The third measure is indeed a nov-
elty, but would without doubt, make
hobo travel almost impracticable. The
idea is to penalize the railroads in
order to increase their vigilance in
preventing tramp travel. The rail-
road bill framed by Dr. Reitman pro-
vides that the railway companies be
compelled to pay a fine of $5,000 for
every tramp killed on a railroad; $1,-
000 for every one injured and $100
for every one caught stealing a ride.
It is proposed that the money indem-
nity for deaths shall go to the heirs
of the deceased or, if such heirs can-
not be located within a specified time,
to the county in which the tramp met
his death.
It is estimated that the American
railroads carry over 200,000 diflferent
tramps every year and that of this
number, 5,000 are runaway boys. In
1906 about 5,000 tramps were killed
on the railroads of this country and
about 12,000 injured. Every year
there are ten times as many tramps
killed as railroad employes and pas-
sengers combined. The railway com-
panies are not held criminally liable
for the deaths of trespassers and are
not even obliged to bury those killed,,
this expense accruing to the county
or city in which the accident takes
place.
"Railroad employes," says Reit-
man, "are largely responsible for the
great volume of tramp traffic these
days. They collect a small fee from
the hobo and allow him to ride, or are
too good-natured to throw him oflT
the train. The railroad officials claim
they have no desire to carry trespass-
ers. Of course they have not, bui
still they do not remedy the evil by
the regulations now in force. In for-
mer years the steamship companies
declared they were powerless to pre-
vent stowaways from entering the
country, but when a fine of $500 was
imposed for each stowaway caught,
it was wonderful to note how the
vigilance of the companies increased
and the number of stowaways de-
creased."
Dr. Reitman spends a large part
of his time traveling about the coun-
try at his own expense — it is no lon-
ger necessary for him to beat his way
— studying sociological conditions
and seeking to interest persons of
influence in his reform schemes. He
presents his ideas to newspaj^ers, pol-
iticians, business and professional
men ; interviews the inmates of jails
and workhouses, police officers and
charity workers : lectures and carries
on correspondence by letter, all for the
purpose of awakening a wide public
interest. In the last year he has m«t
DR. BEN REITMAN, THE TRAMP REFORMER
493
thousands of prominent persons and,
while he is not generally regarded se-
riously, he has set many communities
to thinking and already certain mu-
nicipalities are considering his va-
grancy act amendment. None can
doubt the sincerity of the man in his
efforts to do good, whatever may be
thought of his methods. The need
of the reform in question is most evi-
dent and when it is finally accom-
plished, by whatever means, it must
be recognized that the initiative ac-
tion of J. Eads Howe, Dr. Reitman
and the Brotherhood Welfare Asso-
ciation paved the way to success.
To illustrate Dr. Reitman's char-
acter and methods the following per-
sonal exploits are here chronicled. In
the guise of a tramp and bent upon
investigating the work of various
charitable organizations, he begged
from all sorts of slum v/orkers, phil-
anthropists, society women and re-
ligious institutions and also applied
for work at the free employment
agencies. His experiences show that
the tramp has great difficulty in se-
curing substantial assistance and
work. He found no institution which
was delighted to help him. The re-
port of these investigations was call-
ed, by Jenkin Lloyd Jones, the so-
ciological sensation of the year.
When Judge Sadler and the health
department of Chicago started a cru-
sade against the cheap lodging houses
of that city, Reitman illustrated most
forceably that such places were nec-
essary until better lodging houses
were substituted, and so called a halt
to the crusade.
In regard to the municipal lodg-
ing house of Chicago, he pointed out
that its baths were better than the
meals served, and that the employes
were more interested in asking ques-
tions than in providing for the com-
fort of the lodgers. As a resnlt of
this report the municipal lodging
house has undergone certain improve-
ments : better sleeping accommoda-
tions have been provided; a free
wash-room has been opened where
the tramp may cleanse his clothing;
more wholesome meals are served and
numerous other less important re-
forms inaugurated.
In May, 1907, Reitman gave his
famous "hobo banquet" to one hun-
dred and twenty-three tramps, at the
Windsor-CUfton hotel of Chicago.
Though this banquet was the cause
of great merriment among the news-
papers of the country, yet it was in
reality a most interesting and valua-
ble sociological experiment. At that
dinner a number of the vagabond
guests expressed their ideas of life
and explained the causes of their
downfall. Then followed the tramp
clinic and lecture. This was the first
sociological clinic ever held. Dr.
Reitman presented tramps who had
been doctors, lawyers, artists, news-
paper men, musicians, runaway boys,
criminals, mechanics, soldiers and
sailors. This clinic demonstrated that
men of any walk of life may become
homeless and penniless, therefore
tramps and vagrants.
It is not one of Dr. Reitman's hob-
bies to reform the dictionary, but he
has suggested revised definitions for
the words, tramp, hobo and bum. The
new definitions are :
Tramp — A man who does not work
and apparently does not care to work
because it interferes with his travel-
ing.
Hobo — A skilled, or unskilled, non-
employed laborer without money,
looking for work.
Bum — A man who frequents low-
class saloons and begs or earns a few
pennies a day in order to obtain
drink. He is usually an inebriate.
494
WATSON'S JEFFERSOXIAX MAGAZINE
As a cure for the tramp, Reitman
suggests fining the railroads ; for the
hobo, institutions providing temporary
work; for the bum, the enforcement
of the laws against selling liquor to
habitual drunkards.
By one of his experiments, Reitman
showed that it is easier for a man to
get a drink than to get a meal and
that any person without money can
get drunk simply by loitering around
a saloon and waiting to be treated.
Furthermore he begged from a hun-
dred ministers and a hundred saloon-
keepers— the latter were liberal with
drinks, the former with good advice.
Some of these experiments may be
eccentric, yet all tend to throw some
light on the subject and illustrate the
need of a sane and reasonable meth-
od of dealing with the tramp prob-
lem.
The headquarters of Dr. Reitman"'*
branch of the Brotherhood Welfare
Association is at 92 State street, Chi-
cago, Illinois. The financial re-
sources of the association are meager,
but nevertheless considerable substan-
tial work is being done. The only
question asked of a person who ap-
plies for assistance is, "What do you
wish us to do for you?" A conversa-
tion about things in general is carried
on with each applicant and in an in-
direct and unofifensive manner an ef-
fort is made to learn something of
his personal history. Sometimes small
sums of money are given to the most
needy and all assistance possible is
given them in securing work. In.
the meantime the propagandist, Reit-
man, is exerting his greatest eflforts
to influence legislation in behalf of
his cause.
WHEN WE HAVE SAID GOOD-BYE
495
WHEN WE HAVE SAID GOOD-BYE
The sunset plumes shall deck the purpling west^
In pomp of splendid cloud on royal sky ;
The roads and woods we knew and loved the best
Shall be by faint and tender breeze caressed
When we have said good-bye.
The fragrance of the jessamine will swoon
Through the still night, its rich perfume will vie
With honeysuckle and magnolia bloom,
'Til morning come, as once for us, too soon,
When we have said good-bye.
Across the vault of heaven in lace-like foam
The star-shine of the Milky W^ay shall lie.
One changeless thing of comfort, when I roam
Par from a wormwood mockery of home.
And we have said good-bye.
The sun's kiss on the south shall be as bright.
As green shall be the wheat fields and the rye ;
While the long lanes shall wait for us bedight
Wilh ferns and flowers and soft summer light,
When we have said good-bye.
Yet, for us, all these things shall henceforth be
Seen through a mist of tears, with choking sigh :
Full well I know your own heart, achingly.
Shall feel the stab of myriad memory,
When we have said good-bye.
Vain, now, my warjjjing and reproachful tears ;
Go ! Pride sufficeth; and your bitter cry,
When you have shed the superstitious fears
That wrecked our pure Arcadia of the 3 ears
And bade you say good-bye.
The woven fabric of our lives in twain
Is rent. To what avail ? For we so soon must lie
Where nevermore the sunshine or the rain
May see us, laughing, hand in hand again,
When we have said good-bye.
Ah, love, the years' oncreeping will be slow
Without you. Dumb with grief I long to die.
That, dead, I may forget I let you go,
And never wake, in weary pain, to know
That we have said good-bye.
— Grace Kirkland.
SAY OF OTHER EDITORS
Hon. Thos. E. Watson— The Dream of
His Life, How it Was Dispelled
But is Still His Inspiration.
In his two addresses to the Popu-
list convention in Atlanta Thursday,
Hon. Thos. E. Watson told the story
of his life, in so far as it is related to
his political activity. If that story is
believed by the people it must so ele-
vate him in the ej'es of those among
his own people who have opposed him
that all Georgians will not only be
proud of him, but will bid him go on,
and give him their aid in the work he
has set himself to do.
That Mr. Watson is a great man
even those who most bitterly oppose
him always gladly concede. As a law-
3'er he early in life established a repu-
tation, which gave him place among the
most successful practitioners at the bar.
As an orator he has won a fame the
greatness of which is attested by the
large audiences he draws whenever he
is billed to speak. As an author he is
recognized as among the greatest his-
torians of the time; and no Georgian,
be he friend or opponent of Watson,
would consider his library complete
without Watson's historical works. He
is one of the great sons of this grand
old state, and yet, while he has inspired
devotion to himself in many of his fel-
low citizens such as it is given to but
few men to inspire, he is hated by oth-
ers with an intensity which is blight-
ing in its degree. • Is it not strange?
In his private life Mr. Watson is
blameless. In the very bitterest of the
fights that have been made against him,
when everything was charged that could
possibly be charged, not even a breath
of scandal or wrong was breathed
against his private life. Nor has he
ever been seriously charged with graft
or dishonesty in any form in business
transactions, which is certainly a re-
freshing example in these times, when
so many public men do questionable
things for personal gain. Had he
chosen to make a financial asset of his
unquestioned talent for political work, it
is readily conceded that he could have
amassed a great fortune. But on all
these opportunities he has turned his
back. Some puny charges of this na-
ture have indeed been made in the heat
of political antagonism, but that they
were insincere is proven by the fact
that they always died at once when
they could no longer serve the purpose
for which they were told. And yet
this man, talented far above ordinary
men, clean, honest and upright in all
his dealings, is more intensely opposed
in the public work he would do, by
his fellow Georgians, than any other
Georgian living.
It is strange, passing strange, and it
is all, as Mr. Watson claims, because
he has been misunderstood. It was to
clear away this misunderstanding, if
possible, that he laid bare the secret
ambition of his life, born of the dream
of his early manhood, which to bring
to reality has been the mainspring of
all his action.
The blight of poverty fell upon his
life when he was scarcely more than
a bo3^. It drove him out of the college
before he could complete the education
he craved, and compelled him to go to
work to earn his bread. He became
a school teacher, but at the same time
remained a student; strongly drawn to
the study of history as it bore upon the
betterment of the condition of the peo-
ple. And as to every boy and young
man of spirit there comes a dream of
what he shall accomplish in life, so
there came to this backwoods teacher
and student this dream. He would be
a tribune of the people, enter the lists
and become their champion to contend
for their rights.
It is the men that are animated by
one great thought and purpose who
become the great men in that endeavor
to which they devote themselves. Hav-
ing this purpose in mind he studied law
and engaged in the profession, not to
SAY OF OTHER EDITORS
497
become a great lawyer and therewith be
content, but that he might use it as a
means to the end he had in view. It was
natural, then, that he should have offer-
ed and been elected a member of the
legislature almost as soon as he reached
man's estate. The great opportunity
came with the organization of the Farm-
ers' Alliance.
That was a great political upheaval.
Tlie farmers sought to better their con-
dition, not by injuring anybody else or
hurting any other legitimate business,
but by changing conditions which were
hurtful to them and the people at large
because they were unjust. Although
not a member of this body, the young
dreamer espoused their cause. He
couldn't have done otherwise and re-
mained true to the lofty ideal he had
set for himself.
He was elected to congress, and there,
with the zeal of youth and all the ability
he could command, he sought to secure
the enactment of legislation demanded
by the Farmers' Alliance. The com-
bined wisdom of this order had decided
that its demands could only be secured
by the formation of a new party, since
both old parties had rejected them with
scorn. The new party was formed. The
alliancemen became members of it, and
Watson, one of the men whom they had
elected to congress, also became a mem-
ber. From this dated the fierce opposi-
tion to him. He became the chief of the
new party, and its opponents thoughi
that by crushing him they would kill the
new party. Out of this struggle grew
the political contest in the tenth dis-
trict of Georgia, which has become his-
toric as the fiercest political fight ever
waged in this country.
It lasted for six years, and the op-
position completely triumphed over
Watson. He fought as long as one
spark of hope of ultimate success re-
mained, and when it was all over, ruin-
ed financially and utterly worn out in
body and mind, the bitter conviction
came to him that the dream of his
youth had turned to ashes. What sor-
row of soul this caused him can only
be understood by those who can meas-
ure the depth of conviction which gives
the courage to fight this unequal fight
to the pnd.
Then it was that he devoted himself
wholly to literature, and wrote those
books which alone would have brought
him fame as they have brought him
wealth. But even on his books was the
imprint of the dream of his youth, for
they were all written to teach what he
had contended for in politics. The Ro-
man Sketches, The Story of France, Na-
poleon, Thomas Jefferson and Andrew
Jackson, all pointed to the struggle for
popular rights against the unjust op-
pression of the favored classes, and
Bethany w^as written to present the
cause of the South, for Mr. Watson is
as intensel}' Southern as he is Jefferson-
ian.
Then again there came a change,
when Parker was nominated upon a
platform which was so nearly republi-
can that his running mate said of it
that there was no difference between
the two. He made the race for presi-
dent as the Populist nominee in 1904,
a race that was hopeless, so far as the
possibility of gaining victory was con-
cerned, but the result of which has been
the election and administration of a Re-
publican president of such strong reform
convictions that by his enemies he is
called a Populist, and the adoption of
Populist principles in the Democratic
platform almost in their entirety. And
just so he is again making an equally
hopeless race this year, to compel the
recognition of the just claims of the
South by the Democratic party, without
which that party can not succeed, or
would be useless to the cause of the
people if it should succeed.
In this struggle the years have passed.
The young man who entered it with all
the fire and enthusiasm of youth has
passed his fiftieth year. He no longer
desires any office, for he has come to
believe that he can serve the cause he
loves now as he did when it was the
dream of his youth, better by not hold-
ing any office than h^ could in office.
498
WATSON'S JEFFERSON IAN MAGAZINE
He is lioping that at last, after all this
bitter experience, the people of his state
will understand him, and that, instead
of expending the best of their energies
in fighting him they will take his out-
stretched hand and all Georgians unite
in the great purpose which surely is the
dearest of every Georgian and of every
Southerner, to compel the Democratic
party to give just recognition to the
South, which it has not done since the
Civil War, in order that the Democratic
party may again be made what it once
was to the people. — W. J. Henning, in
Augusta Herald.
" God is in His World."
Uncle Remus' last message, taken in
part from the Uncle Remus Home Mag-
azine, which he edited, is a fitting ex-
ample of his attitude toward the world
and beliefs of today. Speaking in the
person of the Farmer, he has this to
say:
"The Farmer has said that reason is
impotent here, but he was speaking of
the reason that coldly applies itself to
human afifairs; he was speaking of the
reason that is polished up in the schools,
and fitted for the needs of speculative
philosophy and science; but there is a
form of human reason which is neither
of the schools nor the academies, which
finds nothing difficult in the Chirstian
religion — nothing doubtful and nothing
that cannot find an explanation in the
mercy of the Creator and the desperate
needs of the human race. But to apply
this form of reason requires an attitude
somewhat diflferent from that which has
become such a marked feature of the
men and women of our time — the atti-
tude that speaks of great and cunning,
and the overweening desire of display.
We must become as little children, and
who does not desire in his heart of
hearts to imitate the fresh innocence of
the youngsters who come and go before
our eyes, and who contribute in such
large measure to the satisfaction which
we have in life? * * *
"The attitude of one huge company
toward its competitors constitutes the
most complete display of this particular
form of business knavery that has ever
been known, if we take the word of
those who have investigated the matter.
The exposure so stirred the public mind
that one of the representatives of the
company was compelled to come to its
defense. His excuse was that business,
when there is competition, is in the na-
ture of a struggle; that is as far as he
will go, and he seems to think that such
a statement is sufficient to dispose of
the charges that have been made against
his company. As a matter of fact, it is
neither an answer nor an explanation.
There is always a struggle where there
is business competition, but it need not
be an unfair or an underhanded strug-
gle; the elements of burglary or rob-
bery need not enter into it. All the bus-
iness transactions that the world has
ever witnessed cannot succeed in de-
stroying the potency of the golden rule:
by that all men will be measured, and
the greater their greed the greater their
punishment.
"Let it not be supposed by those who
imagine that they are unfortunate, that
the colossal fortunes heaped up by mod-
ern business methods will add to the
ha,"piness of those who have allowed
greed to have its way. All the gold in
the world will not buy an ounce of con-
tentment; its purchasing power ceases
where happiness is concerned. These
statements are platitudes, of course, but
it is well, once in awhile, to shake a
live and wiggling platitude in the face of
the public, if only to reassure some of
the hopeless ones that God is in His
world, and all is well."— Nashville Ban-
ner.
Government by Executions.
One man, Tolstoy, by tiic sliccr force
of his intellect, has made the Russian
Government fear him. Old and broken
with sorrow, he still loves the Czar's
country as if it were his own, and he
still dares to tell the handful of blood-
thirsty aristocrats that rule it that they
are as surely bringing ruin on them-
selves as did Louis in France.
SAY OF OTHER EDITORS
499
After crying out against government
by executions Tolstoy writes:
"AH this is carefully arranged and
planned by the learned and enlightened
people of the upper class. They arrange
to do these things secretly at daybreak,
and they so subdivide the responsibility
for these iniquities among those who
commit them that each may disclaim
responsibility; and not these dreadful
things alone are done, but all sorts of
other tortures and violence arc perpe-
trated in the prisons, fortresses and con-
vict establishments; not impulsively un-
der the sway of feelings silencing rea-
son, as happens in fights or in war, but,
on the contrary, at the demand of rea-
son and calculation, silencing feeling.
What is most dreadful in the whole
matter of this inhuman violence and kill-
ing, besides the direct evil to the vic-
tims, is that it brings yet more enor-
mous evil on the whole people by
spreading depravity among every class
of Russians."
Tolstoy refers to the shocking spread
of greed among ruffians to obtain mon-
ey by executing condemned prisoners,
and says:
"Awful as are the deeds themselves,
the moral and spiritual unseen evil they
produce is incomparably more terrible."
For this Tolstoy will probably be put
in prison or worse. The Czar's advisers
fear him, and fear is the most merciless
of emotions.
But wreaking vengeance on Tolstoy
will only hasten the day when the Rus-
sian Government will be overthrown by
the Russian people. Were the Grand
Dukes wise enough to listen to the aged
sage they might at least save their own
necks before their oppression and mas-
sacres are carried beyond the point of
endurance. — New York American.
An Inspiring Picture.
Cryan and Murphy were photograph-
ed at Fairvievv holding hands. How
touching; how tenderly and beautifully
svntimental!
Let your imagination dwell upon the
picture for a moment. Bryan the he-
roic and devoted platitudinist, the man
of noble ideals and moral earnestness;
the orator of Chautauquas, whereat he
holds up to applauding multitudes all
the virtues and instills deep lessons of
piety and rectitude; Murphy, the stal-
wart and incorruptible, the clean, honest
leader of that patriotic organization
known as Tammany, whose unselfish
loyalty to the cause of all that is true
and worthy in politics has been a prov-
erb in the nation, lo these many years.
Is it to be wondered at that when
these two men clasped hands before the
camera the assembled crowd of specta-
tors shouted "Do you mean it?"
The people were amazed to contem- •
plate the union of two such tremendous
moral forces. The combination is full
of promise for the country. Murphy and
Bryan wedded in effort and influence
means an uplift to righteousness such
as the world has never seen.
And "Fingy" Conners was there. He
did not get in the picture. It may have
been feared that the camera could not
stand such a corner on goodness as the
trio would have represented. But Con-
ners was on the spot, and he, too, was
filled with promise. He promised New
York to Bryan. Of course, Mr. Con-
ners and his friend, Mr. Murphy, be-
lieve that they carry New York in their
vest pocket. It is theirs to deliver to
whomsoever they please. Their long
records of public service, given with so
much of personal sacrifice have won the
worship of the Empire State. It lies at
their feet awaiting disposal.
All hail to Bryan, Conners and Mur-
phy— these three abide in the Democra-
cy, and the greatest of these is Murphy.
— Louisville Herald.
LETTERS FROCD
THE PEOPLE.
THOS LWATSON. AUTHOR (F|
RURAL n?EE DELIVERY.
Mr. Watson: — ■
I want to ask you a question. Is there
any reason in the reply that "The coun-
try is not for such and such a reform" — -
which is monotonously made — always^
against certain proposed measures?
I notice that you are often kind
enough to answer directly questions
asked of you for many little fellows over
the country and I would be glad that
you express your opinion on the above
in your weekly at your first opportunity.
Say,— if a thing is right why talk
about the country not being "ready" for
a change?
If government ownership and control
of railways is right, just what is meant
by the statement that the country is not
ready for the government to own and
control its railways?
Only one answer that I see can be
made to this above question: The peo-
ple as a whole are not in favor of such
and such a reform. Well, if the people
as a whole are not in favor of it, they
will not make it a reality. But nobody
is trying to force government ownership
and control on the people without their
consent. On the- other hand the only
method by which government ownership
and control would come about would
be for the candidate — under our form of
government — to go before the people and
ask them if they are ready for it, in
other words, get their consent. It is no
argument, as I see it, against this meas-
ure, to say that the people are not ready
for it, because it is, of course, under-
stood that the people will be ready for it
when it comes about, or else they won't
put a man in office who favors it.
If there is a shadow of a possibility
that a certain reform, which, if made
law, would mean millions saved to the
people and numberless blessings would
come to them as a result, where docs
the argument come in that the people
are not ready for this saving and these
blessings?
This monotonous slang about the peo-
ple not being ready for the change is
the only answer I generally hear to your
reasons for government ownership and
control. It seems to me like reasoning
in a circle — you get right back to the
point from which you started.
These thoughts come, it is true,
through my mind with rather a dull
glow, but I decided to put them on pa-
per before they could "break through
language and escape," as our friend.
Browning, insists. If you can drop us
out a line or two on the above matter
the favor will be appreciated.
Your friend.
Van Wilhile.
Jackson, Ga.
P. S. — Did Rockefeller ever pay that
$29,000,000 fine?
For publication if you desire it.
(The fine has never been paid. In
fact, the Attorney-General, Bonaparte,
has practically called off the dogs in the
great spectacular Octopus chase.)
July 13, 1908.
Dear Sir:—
Although I am not an American but
an Englishman, may I be permitted to
offer you my congratulations on your
able speech as quoted in the Atlanta
Constitution?
LETTERS FROM THE PEOPLE
501
I was impressed wi h the remarks
made in tluit speech, and fearing it might
not be fully reported to London, I have
sent a copy, together with a letter, to
one of the chief London papers, with
which for a short while I was connected.
It is the most important Free Trade pa-
per in England to which I refer.
Since coming to the States I have
made it a special duty of looking into
and studying and criticising the condi-
tions under which the people live and
are governed, and I more than fully
concur with you. Your views entirely
coincide with my own.
Nature has given unlimited gifts to
every American citizen which are rights
of his by nature, yet these gifts unlimited
though they be are limited by the multi-
millionaires and trusts. The direct ef-
fect of which is that there are hardships
now to be endured by so many citizens
who should be living comfortably.
The "Almighty Dollar" has certainly
more power in this country than it
should have, and until graft is curbed to
a very large degree this state of things
is bound to continue.
Altho' I am sorry to think that you
have small chance of success I venture
to express the hope that you may one
day fill the PresidentiaF Chair. It is
only men of your calibre who can put
matters right. I have been living up
North and only lately come South and
yours is the first speech I have read
which I can at all compare as a states-
man's-like one. You certainly deserve
every vote coming to you and also those
cast for the other two candidates.
Your well wisher,
H. G.
"Defense; of the Mecklenburg De-
claration OF Independence," by James
H. Moore. 157 pages; si. 50 net. Post-
age 12 cents. Published by Edwards &
Hroughton Printing Co., Raleigh, N. C.
Stone & Barringer Co., Charlotte, N. C,
Sales Agents.
This is a valuable analytical study
of the Mecklenburg event, dealing only
with the known and undisputed records
and facts in the case. The author takes
up among other things, Wm. Henry
Hoyt's recent work, and punctures his
labored efforts to make the facts and
records apply to the May 31st Resolves
instead of the May 20th Declaration as
the chief paper with an ease and con-
clusiveness that is refreshing. The story
of the Declaration evolved is so clear
and simple that one wonders how the
facts could have been misrepresented
and confused in the public mind.
The chapter dealing with the "Inter-
nal Evidences of the May 31st Re-
solves" is a masterly one, showing on
the face of this paper that it was writ-
ten by a practicing lawyer and not by
Dr. Ephraim Brevard, the admitted au-
thor of the Declaration. Also show-
ing on its face that it recognized and
described the "Convention" and the
"Committee" as separate and distinct
bodies, thus exploding the theory that
these bodies were one and the same, on
which the opponents of the Declaration
rely for substantiating their claim that
the May 31st Resolves is the "true Dec-
laration."
In the chapter on "Plagarism," and
that on the "Internal Evidences of the
May 20th Declaration," Mr. Moore
shows by abundant and repeated specific
citations and quotations that in every
instance in which similar phrases occur
in the Mecklenburg Declaration, and in
Mr. Jefferson's Declaration, that the
phrase was not original with Mr. Jef-
ferson, but had been used not alone in
the Mecklenburg Declaration, but in
other state papers in North Carolina and
elsewhere before Mr. Jeflferson wrote
the National Declaration.
The charge of "Inconsistency" in the
course pursued by the Mecklenburgers
disappears in the light of the inside his-
tory of the time and of their environ-
ments. John McKnitt Ale.xander's au-
tograph rough notes, long neglected,
are shown to square in every particular
with the truth as verified by history and
subsequent disclosures. The study of
the verbiage of the May 20th Declara-
tion showing the coincidence of its lan-
guage with the sentiment and verbiage
peculiar to the year 1775 is so curious
and striking as to preclude the hypo-
thesis of the opponents of the Declara-
tion that it was the work of some cheap
forger of 1800. It is shown to breathe
BOOK REVIEWS
503
throughout the spirit and bear the ver-
bal earmarks of Ephraim Brevard, mak-
ing selt-e\ident the absurdity of attrib-
uting it to the forgery of another a
quarter of a century nearly after his
death.
The Davie copy of the Declaration is
shown by the most positive and abun-
dant record evidence to have been in
the handwriting of John McKnitt Alex-
ander, disposing of the charge that this
copy was not authorized by him, but
was forged bj- some one.
One of the most interesting chapters
of the book is that dealing with the
"Record Evidences," direct and indirect.
Among the positive contemporaneous
record evidences of the event is one
wherein a neutral, unbiased historian
made a record of the event in a foreign
.tongue, which was buried in the arch-
ives of the Moravians at Bethania, N.
C, in 1783, and was not brought to
light again until 1904, being literally
the testimony of one rising from the
dead.
The affidavits of the surviving wit-
nesses who testified to the event from
memory, after forty or fifty years when
the Declaration was first disputed, and
whose testimony has been attempted to
be discredited, are shown to have been
corroborated by subsequent discoveries
and to have clearly accounted for the
]\Iay 31st Resolves as the code of laws
enacted by the Committee of Public
Safety for the government of the coun-
ty subsequent to the action of the Con-
vention declaring independence.
Mr. Moore presents the case so clear-
ly for the Declaration; he builds it up so
solidly on the substructure of contem-
poraneous record evidence and the oral
testimony of reputable eye-witnesses,
and cements it so completely with the
collateral facts and inside history of the
times, explaining all the discrepancies
that the enemies of the Declaration have
brought to bear, as to establish the
truth of the event beyond the power of
critics to shake it.
"When thk Bugle Called," by Edith
Tatum. (The Neale Publishing Co., I'-lat-
iron Building, New York City.)
This is a story of the women's side
of war, told in a simple way, as one
might talk of such things; and dramatic,
through its simplicity.
The everyday life of a Southern plan-
tation— the sweet order of it — the home,
left in charge of the children and the
faithful black mammy, while the men
ride away to the war, — are pictures, lov-
ingly drawn, , that stand out in sharp
distinction to the brutality of the Fed-
eral troops, as they march through the
pleasant country, spreading fear before
them and leaving ruin behind. The
dark shadow of an uprising of the
worthless negroes hangs over the help-
less children; and, while the mutterings
of the coming storm are heard, a bolt
falls suddenly. Michael Cavanagh, who
had come to the Dupre plantation to
see Dahlia, the girl he loved, is , cap-
tured within the Federal lines, and sen-
tenced to be hanged as a rebel spy.
Dahlia, a child in years, finds entrance
to the Union camp, disguised as a coun-
try "cracker," with a deformed negro
as her attendant. They dance and sing,
and the soldiers, wild with delight,
stamp and cheer. In the midst of the
uproar the prisoner escapes.
The horrible fear — the black shape —
creeps closer. The incidents of the ne-
gro uprising, told so simply and quietly,
are terribly vivid. Again, Dahlia is the
one who brings help in their sore need.
She rides away, through darkness and
storm, past the haunted hollow, where
the children, in daylight walked a-tip-
toe, — and so to the good old priest's
house. There she finds her father and
the others, resting for a few minutes,
on their way home from the war. They
mount and gallop, and are just in time.
The old negro mammy has fought va-
liantly for her master's children, against
the worthless, drink-crazed brutes.
And the story ends, as all good stor-
ies should, in the old, time-hallowed
fashion, — the fashion that makes life
possible and worth the living to us all.
J. L.
504
WATSON\S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
'•Mr. Crewe's Career," b,v Winston
Churchill. McMillan Company. New
York, Publishers. (Price 51.50.)
We consider this by far the best work
that the author of Richard Carvel has
done. The leading characters in the
book are men and women whom most
of us have known. TTie local political
boss, the railroad politician who manip-
ulates legislatures, the railroad president
who believes that all means are justifia-
ble when the end is the upbuilding of
his corporation, the railroad lawyer who
is a man of spotless personal character,
but sees nothing wrong in the use of
bribes, direct and indirect, to accomplish
his purpose.
The railroad lawyer has a son who is
considered "wild, " and who is conse-
quently more popular than any of the
Sabbath-school models. This son is
more like his mother than his father —
but his mother died early, of a broken
heart, there being no congeniality be-
tween the husband and wife.
The son goes West, grows physicalli'
and mentally into a stalwart, healthy,
altogether admirable manhood, has the
inevitable Western "scrape,"' "shoots him
a man,"' and finds it convenient to return
home.
And it came to pass, that the railroad
president had a daughter who was as
different from her father as the railroad
lawyer"s son was from his dad.
The story^ pivots upon this happj- co-
incidence.
With great industry, ability and detail,
Mr. Churchill shows how political ma-
chines work, how corporations control
States and how they can be attacked
and defended.
Mr. Crewe is drawn to the life, faith-
fully, vividly and entertainingly.
He is the unconscious vulgarian of
sudden wealth, the man who measures
all things with money. Possessed of
boundless energy, pluck and a fair share
of a certain sort of ability, he also fan-
cies that he is inspired by good inten-
tions and he sails into politics to reform
things generall>.
The story of his "Career"' is mighty
good reading.
In the long run. Mr. Crewe doesn't
get what he went after, but the railroad
lawyer's son — who has fought the rail-
road all along — gets the railroad presi-
dent"s daughter, who has, as per imme-
morial precedent, found her lover"s argu-
ments more convincing than those of
her sire.
Beside its interest as a work of fiction,
"Mr. Crewe"s Career"' possesses decided
permanent value as an exposure of the
rotten methods used by corporations to
control the government.
"The Gospel of Greed or the Spirit
OF Commercialism," by Charles H.
McDerniott.
A common-sense explanation of Social
and Political Problems from a business
point of view, showing -reasons for pres-
ent conditions as compared with changes
proposed bj^ theorists and would-be Re-
formers.
The principles of wealth production
clearly set forth with the exact position
of labor as a factor.
How all the progress of civilization
and benefit for humanity come from the
work of individuals seeking profits, and
why any policy of repression must be
injurious or ruinous.
The theories and promises of Social-
ism considered in a practical way with
the results that must follow from the
plans advocated. Some of the absurdi-
ties and contradictions of the Socialistic
ideas.
The Railroads, the Trusts, the larifF.
Single Tax and Banking considered with
reference to the basic principles that
must control.
Commonplace facts usually overlooked
or ignored may appear sensational when
presented with their full significance for
affecting results or overturning fa-\ciful
theories.
BOOK REVIEWS.
505
The author, Charles H. McDermott,
with an experience of thirty-seven years
in daily and trade journalism, and for
twenty-four years editor of the Boot and
Shoe Recorder, Boston, Mass., is well
qualified to speak for Commercialism
and the forces that work for industrial
progress.
The principles that all should under-
stand and that are of practical value
for all.
Concise and condensed so that every
chapter suggests a volume.
Price $1.00. Chappie Publishing Co.,
Boston.
"A Little Laxd AND A Living," by Bol-
ton Hall," The Arcade Press, New York,
shows how big results may be obtained
from farms scarcely larger than a small
yard. It tells what intensive farming is
and can accomplish and is a bright shaft
of light piercing the gloom of that an-
cient error that the people grow faster
than their food suppl^^ In a very prac-
tical way it shows how the difficulties
confronting those inclined to return to
the soil may be overcome and is alto-
gether along the lines of wholesome and
constructive thought.
We acknowledge receipt of "A
Heathen Dollar," by Jos. A. Diefifen-
bacher. published by the W. B. Con-
key Co.
Clearly and concisely put is the infor-
mation contained in "Government by the
People,"' a little book by Robt. H. Ful-
ler, which is a brief, unbiased survey of
election laws, political platforms, etc.
It should be of interest to the citizen
who "inquires to know." Publishers,
TTie McMillan Co., Xew York.
"Elements OF Agriculture," by W. C.
Welborn, issued by the Mc^Iillan Com-
pany, is just what its name implies and
should be of value as a text in rural
schools. Price 75c.
'The Liberators," by Isaac N. Stevens,
B. W, Dodge & Co.
This is a political romance treated in
an unusually pleasing manner. It is de-
velop, ed along psychological lines and
perhaps the most striking feature of the
book is the influence of studious, think-
ing, but altogether winsome women, in
bringing to pass a peaceful revolution.
George Randolph, the hero — perhap:;
we had better say one of the heroes, is
a Southern of the type we all love. Pos-
sessed of incorruptible soul and filled
with patriotic zeal, he early consecrates
himself to the cause of the people. His
class-mate in college is Frederick Ames,
a young millionaire, son of a railway
magnate. Of equal strength of charac-
ter and brilliance of intellect, but differ-
ing widely as the poles in political senti-
ments, the two men form a strong and
deep attachment for each other.
There is a very clear picture drawn of
modern legislative methods and of po-
litical machinery of all sorts. George
Randolph finally becomes head of the
"People's Alliance" after eating the bit-
ter bread of persecution at the hands of
powerful corporations. Of course, he
has fallen in love with Frederick Ames'
sister and equally of course the elder
Ames will have none of it.
An unusual character depicted is that
of a ^Irs. Strong, a wealthy young wid-
ow, who has devoted herself to a study
of sociology and political economy and
who gives herself and her money freely
to the cause of the "Alliance."
Just at the moment in the book when
we expect the intensity of public feeling
to express itself in a crash of arms — Lo,
Frederick Ames makes a splendid sur-
render and the victory is won.
The little love stories which are deli-
cately traced throughout the tale add
too much to its charm, but the principal
theme is the advocacy of government
ownership of railroads.
In the book the author takes a fling at
Mr. Bryan when he speaks of the return
of the "Peerless One" from abroad and
his great speech at Madison Square
Garden on government ownership — then
practically, as Mr. Stevens puts it, Mr.
Bryan retracted his argument for politi-
cal ends.
506
WATSON'S JEFFERSONIAN MAGAZINE
BOOKS RECEIVED
(Reviews will be made later)
History of the Laurel Brigade, origi-
nally Ashby's Cavalry.
By the late Capt. Wm. N. McDonald,
edited by Bushrod C. Washington. Pub-
lished by Mrs. Kate S. McDonald.
Probably the best "record of the Reg-
iment" ever comp-led. Takes the readers
through all the stirring scenes in "the
Valley," and is a most illuminating side-
light thrown upon the great IMilitary
Movements in Virginia.
Alexander H. Stephens. By Louis
Pendleton. Geo. W. Jacobs & Co., Phil-
adelphia, publishers.
Altogether the best biography of Mr.
Stephens that has j'et appeared. Tem-
perate in tone, thorough in its treatment,
judicial in its judgment, Mr. Pendle-
ton's book is in every way worthy of his
subject and creditable to himself.
Norton Hardin, or The Knight of the
Twentieth Century. By Mrs. Minnye
Creighton Cottrell. Mayhew Pub. Co.,
Boston.
A story in w^hich a gifted woman of
today idealizes her own conception of
true manhood, and sends it forth into the
sordid conditions that surround to do
battle for better standards.
AT NIGHT
No star-beam trembles down the skies, ,
The moon withholds her light;
The velvet hand of Night
Is laid upon the weary eyes.
While the vexed soul is folded calm
Beneath the brooding wings of Dark;
And blessed Silence, passing fleet.
Leaves on the trail of silvery feet
Soft winds of odorous balm
And distant sweet Eolian strains.
Those evanescent lost refrains ^
Forever wandering on the air
To find the heart in waiting there.
— Mary Chapin Smith.
WATSON BOOKS
story of France, VJ/ye%"§: = $3.50
Napoleon = = =1.75
Life and Times of
T/iomas Jefferson = 1.75
f-> J.tm ^ Study of the Causes of the Civil War * ^ mm
i3 QT.l\^T\ V and a love story of a Confederate Volunteer. im^ ^S
In the Story of France you will find a history of Chivalry, of the
Crusades, of Joan of Arc, of the Ancien Reg-ime, of the French
Revolution.
In the Life of Jefferson you will learn what democratic principles
are, and you will learn much history, to the credit of the South and
West, which the New England writers left out.
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